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APPENDIX TO INAUGURAL LECTURE.

NOTE 1.-Page 66.

** “ A mere apprenticeship is not good education.

"Whatever system of tuition is solely adapted to enable the pupil to play a certain part in the world's drama, whether for his own earthly advantage, or for that of any other man, or community of men, is a mere apprenticeship. It matters not whether the part be high or low, the hero or the fool.

"A good education, on the other hand, looks primarily to the right formation of the Man in man, and its final cause is the wellbeing of the pupil, as he is a moral, responsible, and immortal being.

"But, because to every man there is appointed a certain ministry and service, a path prescribed of duty, a work to perform, and a race to run, an office in the economy of Providence, a good education always provides a good apprenticeship; for usefulness is a necessary property of goodness.

"The moral culture of man, and so much of intellectual culture as is conducive thereto, is essential to education. Whatever of intellectual culture is beyond this, should be regarded as pertaining to apprenticeship, and should be apportioned to the demands of the vocation for which that apprenticeship is designed to qualify.

"A man whose education is without apprenticeship, will be useless; a man whose education is all apprenticeship, will be bad, and therefore pernicious, and the more pernicious in proportion as his function is high, noble, or influential.”

HARTLEY COLERIDGE's 'Lives of Distinguished Northerns,'
p. 529, note.

NOTE 2.-Page 71.

66 Aripia was either total or partial. A man was totally deprived of his rights, both for himself and for his descendants, when he was convicted of murder, theft, false witness, partiality as arbiter, violence offered to a magistrate, and so forth. This highest degree of aripia excluded the person affected by it from the forum, and from all public assemblies; from the public sacrifices, and from the law courts; or rendered him liable to immediate imprisonment, if he was found in any of these places. It was either temporary or perpetual; and either accompanied or not with confiscation of property. Partial ȧripta only involved the forfeiture of some few rights, as for instance, the right of pleading in court. Public debtors were suspended from their civic functions till they discharged their debt to the state. People who had once become altogether ǎripot were very seldom restored to their lost privileges. The converse term to ἀτιμία Was ἐπιτιμία.”

'Dict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities.'

Edited by Dr. W. Smith. London, 1842.

NOTE 3.-Page 79.

In the contemplation of carrying on his history of Rome, to what he regarded as "its natural termination at the revival of the Western empire, in the year 800 of the Christian æra, by the coronation of Charlemagne at Rome," Dr. Arnold writes-"We shall then have passed through the chaos which followed the destruction of the old Western empire, and shall have seen its several elements, combined with others which in that great convulsion had been mixed with them, organized again into their new form. That new form exhibited a marked and recognised division between the socalled secular and spiritual powers, and thereby has maintained in Christian Europe the unhappy distinction which necessarily prevailed in the heathen empire between the church and the state; a distinction now so deeply seated in our laws, our language, and our very notions, that nothing less than a miraculous interposition of God's providence seems capable, within any definite time, of eradi cating it."

Hist. of Rome, vol. I., Preface, viii.

NOTE 4.-Page 83.

**"Law is more or less the expression of man's reason, as opposed to his interest and his passion. I do not say that it has ever been the expression of pure reason; it has not been so, for man's best reason is not pure. Nor has it been often free from the influence of interest, nor always from that of passion: there have been unjust laws in abundance; cruel and vindictive laws have not been wanting. Law, in short, like every thing human, has been greatly corrupted, but still it has never lost its character of good altogether: there never, I suppose, has been an age or country in which the laws, however bad, were not better than no law at all; they have ever preserved something of their essential excellencethat they acknowledged the authority of right, and not of might. Again, law has, and must have, along with this inherent respect for right and justice, an immense power; it is that which, in the last resort, controls human life. It is, on the one hand, the source of the highest honours and advantages which men can bestow on men; it awards, on the other hand, the extremity of outward evil -poverty, dishonour, and death. Here, then, we have a mighty power, necessary by the very condition of our nature; clearly good in its tendency, however corrupted, and therefore assuredly coming from God, and swaying the whole frame of human society with supreme dominion. Such is law in itself; such is a kingdom of this world. Now, then, conceive this law. . . to become instinct and inspired, as it were, by the spirit of Christ's gospel; and it retains all its sovereign power, all its necessity, all its original and inherént virtue; it does but lose its corruptions; it is not only the pure expression of human reason, cleansed from interest and passion, but the expression of a purer reason than man's. Law in a Christian country, so far as that country is really Christian, has, indeed, to use the magnificent language of Hooker, her seat in the bosom of God; and her voice, inasmuch as it breathes the spirit of divine truth, is indeed the harmony of the world."

Arnold's Sermons, vol. iv., p. 444.

The following passage in Dr. Arnold's preface to the third vol

ume of his Thucydides, has a bearing on the opinions in the Appendix to the Inaugural Lecture:

"There is another point not peculiarly connected with Thucydides, except so far as he may be considered as the representative of all Grecian history, which appears to me deserving of notice; that state of imperfect citizenship so common in Greece under the various names of μέτοικοι, περίοικοι, σύνοικοι, etc. This is a matter of importance, as bearing upon some of the great and eternal principles of political science, and thus applying more or less to the history of every age and nation.

"It seems to be assumed in modern times that the being born of free parents within the territory of any particular state, and the paying towards the support of its government, conveys a natural claim to the rights of citizenship. In the ancient world, on the contrary, citizenship, unless specially conferred as a favour by some definite law or charter, was derivable only from race. The descendants of a foreigner remained foreigners to the end of time; the circumstance of their being born and bred in the country was held to make no change in their condition; community of place could no more convert aliens into citizens than it could change domestic animals into men. Nor did the paying of taxes confer citizenship; taxation was the price paid by a stranger for the liberty of residing in a country not his own, and for the protection afforded by its laws to his person and property; but it was thought to have no necessary connection with the franchise of a citizen, far less with the right of legislating for the commonwealth.

66

Citizenship was derived from race; but distinctions of race were not of that odious and fantastic character which they have borne in modern times: they implied real differences often of the most important kind, religious and moral. Particular races worshipped particular gods, and in a particular manner. But different gods had different attributes, and the moral image thus presented to the continual contemplation and veneration of the people could not but produce some effect on the national character. According to the attributes of the god was the nature of the hymns in which he was celebrated: even the music varied; and this alone, to a people of such lively sensibilities as the Greeks, was held to be a powerful moral engine; whilst the accompanying ceremonies of the worship

enforced with still greater effect the impression produced by the hymns and music. Again, particular races had particular customs which affected the relations of domestic life and of public. Amongst some polygamy was allowed, amongst others forbidden; some held infanticide to be an atrocious crime, others in certain cases ordained it by law. Practices and professions regarded as infamous by some, were freely tolerated or honoured amongst others; the laws of property and of inheritance were completely various. It is not then to be wondered at that Thucydides, when speaking of a city founded jointly by Ionians and Dorians, should have thought it right to add 'that the prevailing institutions of the place were the Ionian;' for according as they were derived from one or the other of the two races, the whole character of the people would be different. And therefore the mixture of persons of different race in the same commonwealth, unless one race had a complete ascendency, tended to confuse all the relations of life, and all men's notions of right and wrong; or by compelling men to tolerate, in so near a relation as that of fellow-citizens, differences upon the main point of human life, led to a general carelessness and scepticism, and encouraged the notion that right and wrong have no real existence, but are the mere creatures of human opinion.

"But the interests of ambition and avarice are ever impatient of moral barriers. When a conquering prince or people had formed a vast dominion out of a number of different nations, the several customs and religions of each were either to be extirpated or melted into one mass, in which each learned to tolerate those of its neighbours and to despise its own. And the same blending of races, and consequent confusion and degeneracy of manners, was favoured by commercial policy; which, regarding men solely in the relation of buyers and sellers, considered other points as comparatively unimportant, and in order to win customers would readily sacrifice or endanger the purity of moral and religious institutions. So that in the ancient world, civilization, which grew chiefly out of conquest or commerce, went almost hand in hand with demoralization.

"Now to those who think that political society was ordained for higher purposes than those of mere police or of traffic, the principle of the ancient commonwealths in making agreement in religion

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