their local subjects, they would be self-governed, would be a greater boon to our Colonies than anything that has lately been done. Again I say, why do not you try? You have an excellent example by analogy-the relation between the Union and the several states of America. A scheme proceeding upon this separation has been proposed by various persons, chiefly in what I will venture to say is the most able and comprehensive plan that has yet been propounded on this subject, the frame of a Bill laid before the House of Commons by Sir William Molesworth. The objection as to litigation, in fact, points to one of the advantages of the scheme. No doubt there would be disputes as to whether a given subject belongs to one class or to the other; but whereas all disputes now are settled in the dark by the Colonial Office, by what we propose all such questions would be settled in due and open course of law, in the face of day, by a judicial tribunal, such as the Committee of Privy Council, after the analogy of the Supreme Court of the United States. Here, again, it is said, with a singular inadvertence, that the Colonies would gain nothing; that the Crown would be only acting through its Privy Council, whereas before it acted through its Colonial Office. But, of course, as before, with reference to the all-important point, the confidence which the Colonists would feel in the administration of the system, there is all the difference in the world as to the manner in which the thing is done between a secret and irresponsible authority, and a public tribunal acting with the solemnity of judicial procedure. Moreover, such a system would evidently tend more and more to work itself clear, and to become more definite and satisfactory as it proceeds. Because such a tribunal would be guided by its own precedents, so that questions, such as are supposed, when once debated and adjudged, would be settled for ever, and no further litigation need arise upon them. We may judge of the trivial nature of the objections made to this proposal, by that which was offered in the very slight and perfunctory reply that was vouchsafed by the Government in the other House to Sir W. Molesworth's speech. It was said, What do you do about escheats in the Colonies? Is that an Imperial or a Colonial matter? Why, what does it matter which it is? Put it in, into either of the classes, whichever you please; or let it alone, and let it be decided whenever the question shall arise. No one supposes that it is necessary that the classification should be, from the first, made completely and without fault. My Lords, such is the outline of the scheme which we recommend, and which would give to the Colonies the best security which the nature of things permits, that they shall enjoy self-government. Of course it would, in theory, be open to Parliament to reverse its own course; but a Parliamentary security would be the best that it is practicable to give. My Lords, I know very well that these Colonies will eventually obtain self-government. I did not say that such a scheme as I propose is the only way in which they can obtain it; but that it is the only way in which we can give it them. I know that they will obtain it, because I see it has been obtained, without any such concession on our part, by the great Colony of Canada ; and Australia will do the same. Canada has obtained it by its own growth, and by the force of events, so that it practically knows and feels that it has self-government, which is as good a security as any Colony can desire. But here, again, the whole difference lies in the manner in which the end has been reached. Canada has reached it by a process which has brought with it no gratitude, no attachment to this country, and, above all, no adequate assimilation of the character of the Colonial mind to the best elements of our society at home, which, as I have said, is what ought to be the main object in our view. We ought to look on our Colonial empire not as a great machinery of export and import trade, and of material benefit to ourselves, but as imposing on us the responsibility of worthily founding great nations, which they will be, throughout the world; and, therefore, the character of the communities we are so founding, is the one great point for our consideration. My Lords, I further regret this Bill when I consider the particular character and condition of the Australian Colonies. Whatever the North American Colonies may be, they are pretty nearly beyond our reach now, to mould or to influence them. The Australian Colonies are still in their youth: it is still in our power, as I believe, to train them towards what we would wish them to be, by communicating to them good political institutions. The present Bill, while it gives them too little power of self-regulation in some respects, gives them too much in others. We ought to give them the outline of their system ourselves, leaving it to them to fill it up: whereas here we give them an outline which is confes sedly not the best, and we leave it to them, if they please, to alter that outline; while, at the same time, we keep to ourselves a universal power over all the smallest details of their local administration. My Lords, it is true that a sort of satisfaction is felt in these Colonies at this measure, compared with the still worse system which they had before; but this very circumstance makes it the less likely that a really good system will ever be introduced, when we have induced them to acquiesce in the inferior one; and therefore causes me to lament still more the passing of this Bill. My Lords, for these reasons, though I cannot think of dividing the house, I shall say-Not Content, to the third reading of the Bill, ON THE COLONIAL EMPIRE OF GREAT BRITAIN. Read to the Amblecote Church of England Young Men's When I had the honour, some time ago, to preside at the Annual Meeting of this Association, a wish appeared to be entertained by some of its members that I should follow the example set by many of its friends since its formation, by delivering a Lecture on some subject of general interest. At the time I did not much expect that I should ever be able to comply with that wish. In my view, the due performance of such a function implies a systematic knowledge of some subject involving some, not inconsiderable, amount of research and reflection; and the course of my life, which has mainly been. one of practical duties in various directions, has not been favourable to the acquisition of such knowledge. It recently, however, occurred to me that there is one subject concerning which, from particular circumstances, I happen to have been called to think and inform myself, far indeed from completely, yet still perhaps to a greater extent than most of those whom I am now addressing : and I immediately felt, as I need hardly say, that it would be a great pleasure to me if I could confer any, even a slight, benefit upon the Association, by calling their attention to it in the form of a Lecture. That subject is the one which has been announced to you--namely, |