with Great Britain. That country, after having been the cause of the establishment of slavery in the New World, has labored ceaselessly at its destruction. A common origin, a common language, and a common literature, have rendered her efforts on this continent partially successful. Its abolition in her own dependencies has brought on premature decay, and from the influence of this spirit, have proceeded the distractions within our own borders. To combat these pernicious and fanatical doctrines, to enter the lists against the world, to defend Southern rights and Southern feelings, to meet a sentiment founded on visionary theories and prejudice, by the experience and judgment of those from position better informed, the Committee urge the establishment of this paper. At the seat of government, they say, there is no paper which makes these interests their paramount object. The abolition party can always be heard through their press there, while the other journals make the maintenance of party their controlling object; and not one to consider the preservation of sixteen hundred millions of property, the equality and liberty of fourteen or fifteen States, the protection of the white man against African equality, as even equal to the political organization to secure the election of President. In the Federal Legislature, the South has some voice and some votes, but the press in this city takes its tone from that of the North. They give, in turn, a coloring to that of the South, and false impressions are consequently produced throughout that section, concerning public men and

measures.

This journal is to be sustained by Southern means and talent, and to be dedicated to the

defence of their social position before the world. Southern Whigs and Southern Democrats are to contribute alike in its columns. Party relations are not to be disturbed, but to be held subordinate to the great and engrossing interest, to the South, of slavery.

On April 30, the joint resolution from the House, respecting the expedition in search of Sir John Franklin, being before the Senate, it was finally adopted, by a vote of 28 to 16. The resolution was as follows:

Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled, That the President be, and he is hereby authorized and directed to receive from Henry Grinnell, of the city of New York, the two vessels prepared by him for an expedition in search of Sir John Franklin and his companions, and to detail from the navy such commissioned and warrant officers, and so many seamen as may be necessary for said expedition, and who may be willing to engage therein. The said officers and men shall be furnished with suitable rations, at the direction of the President, for a period not exceeding three years, and shall have the use of such necessary instruments as are now on hand and can be spared from the navy, to be accounted for and returned by the officers who shall receive the same.

Resolved further, That the said vessels, officers and men shall be in all respects under the laws and regulations of the navy of the United States until their return, when the said vessels shall be delivered to the said Henry Grinnell: Provided, That the United States shall not be liable to any claim for compensation in case of the loss, damage or deterioration of the said vessels, or either of them, from any cause, or in any manner whatever, nor be liable to any demand for the use or risk of the said vessels, or either of them.

GERMANY.

The politics of central Europe remain involved in the greatest intricacy. Austria, Bavaria, Wirtemberg, and Saxony, with a German population of about 17,000,000, form a confederacy with a bias to the old order of things, and are laboring to restore the German Diet, of which Austria was the head. Hanover, Holstein, Luxemburg and Frankfort, and two or three minor powers, with a German population of about 3,000,000, are neutral; while Prussia, with the remainder of the German States, and a German population of 22,500,000, form the Parliament of Erfurt, and represent the cause of progress. This body consists of an Upper House of 95 members, of whom Prussia sends 40, and a Lower House of 224 members, of whom she sends 158.

Prussia, then, may be considered as the leader of the liberal movement in Europe, and great destinies might be before her, if the spirit of her people were not clogged by the indecision and lukewarmness of the Court. She might become the regenerator of the wornout systems of the old world, a great republican monarchy, spreading free principles, slowly but surely. She would form the bulwark of civilization against the ominous advances of Russia. But the caution of the German character, their dread of change, the ambition of particular States, wishing each to aggrandize itself in this chaos of political elements, the evident hankering of the reigning families for a return of their old despotisms, and the diplomacy and gold of Russia entering every crevice, weakening, dividing, threatening, and we are compelled to form gloomier anticipations. We are reminded of the fears that oppressed society, when the star of Bonaparte was in thesascendant. An oriental despotism seemed then impending over Europe, with its sure consequences of a return to barbarism and national decay. The danger passed, for the " pear was not ripe." The power that then menaced civilization was the artificial strength of disease; its real danger now lies in the young and healthy vigor of barbarism.

The attitude of Russia becomes daily more menacing. Her demands are now more imperious than ever. At this moment an insurrection is raging in the Turkish province of

Bosnia, stirred up by Russian wire-working, while her armies in the Danubian principalities are retained in full strength, The Greek Government is completely under her influence, and Austria is little else than a subject; and, in the north of central Europe, not a movement is made in which the hand of Russia is not seen or felt.

The causes that urge her forward in her career of conquest, are the same that impel us on this side of the Atlantic in our more pacific progress. As a consequence of the growth of population in new countries, the centres of commerce are constantly shifting. Those nations, into whose hands, from geographical or political advantages, the sceptre of trade passes, feel the impulse in an increased demand for labor and capital, while those it has left have of course a plethora of both. National energy is the aggregate of individual energy, and individual energy can only be called out by a field for exertion, and proper inducements. These, in new countries, are intense, and produce the best statesmen, the best generals, the best mechanics, the best laborers, and the best soldiers. Man for man, they are more than a match for nations where decay has produced lethargy. Who can beat a Russian in diplomacy? Who can out-general a Yankee in a bargain, -a sort of dung-hill diplomacy? Nelson's advice to his officers was significant, "When you meet a French frigate, lay her aboard; when you meet a Russian, out-manœuvre him, if you can."

Full occupation for the minds, the muscles, and the teeth of all classes, is the true source of a people's prosperity, of individual happiness, and the only safe foundation for republicanism. It is not hazarding too much to say that France, like the South of Europe, is past its zenith. Spain is far on the downward path; Italy is querelous with age; Greece is a paralytic old man; Egypt is galvanized for a moment into the semblance of life, and the Orient is dust and ashes. The republican movements that fill so many minds with hope, may be but the beginning of the end, and young Europe may yet find a rough step-parent in "Father Russia." For, from this quarter, when the pear is ripe, a hand will be put forth to pluck it. Exhausted by mutual

hostility or political convulsion, at some moment Germany may lie at the mercy of the invader. Then out leaps the savage of the Don; Tartar and Hun come swarming from their wilds, and, in groans and desolation, Europe tastes the lot she awarded to Poland. With its territory almost a continent in extent, its steadfast policy, its succession of vigorous rulers, its people uniting the science and energy of a growing civilization, with the enthusiasm of barbarism, Russia may readily become the incubus to brood into barrenness the plains of the eastern hemisphere. Not a Calmuck in shaggy beard and sheepskin, but believes that this is to be their mission. The Cossack looks for the time when he shall rein his horse on the shores of the Atlantic, and again bivouac on the heights around Paris.

We are blinded to these possibilities by the power and high civilization of middle Europe. Mere refinement is a poor defence against barbarian valor. The Turkish Tartar, when he stepped from Asia to Europe, found power and refinement, as well as luxury and license. The torpor of his iron grasp may have been a happy exchange for anarchy. When the social frame of a nation is worn out, when men are pushed helplessly by wretchedness into crime, or led into it as surely by the influences of vitiated society, then it should be and must be near its fall, and the hug of the Russian bear would be a milder fate than the lengthened miseries of inanition.

But Germany, we hope, has a happier fate before her than this. The intelligence of the people fits her for self-government. Their characteristic patience and stability would never run freedom into license, and should Prussia succeed in her efforts at forming a powerful and close confederacy, bringing to one centre the intense national spirit of the German race, it may be the dawning of a new day for Europe.

FRANCE.

The Paris elections have gone in favor of the Socialists. Eugene Sue, the Socialist candidate, received 128,071 votes, and M. Leclerc, the nominee of the government party, received 119,626, giving the former a majority of 8,445. The vote of the army was also Socialist by a large majority. This marked success on the part of the Red Republicans has excited much consternation in the capital. The distrust in the character of the President, as not the man to carry the country through the present crisis, the violent though feeble measures of the government, their capricious attempts at restraint of the press, incurring the odium without the advantage to themselves of the reality, have no doubt contributed to those gloomy results. In the character of the two candidates, the government would seem to have had a slight advantage; for Sue,leading the life of a Syba

rite in his retreat in the country, denying himself no indulgence that refined sensuality could suggest, was a Socialist in nothing but his morality, while Leclerc was a staunch Republican, and had taken a part in the insurrection of June, 1848, on which occasion he had displayed the greatest heroism.

The alarm felt at this state of things in Paris, shows the influence that city has over the whole of France. It is France. French nationality must always have a focus, a visible and tangible centre where the national glory and self-laudation can shine with concentrated brilliancy. Centralization has always been the stumbling block for freedom in France. The federal element is wanting in their constitution, for no constitution can long contain what is wanting in the character of the citizen. This centrifugal force, which is found in the United States, in their origin from a number of colonies, and wide extent of country, creating sectional interests and consequently sectional feelings; which is found in England in individual self-reliance and in the stubborn battling of each class for its rights and immunities-contests that have been going on for centuries-and which Germany sees overdeveloped in its scores of principalities, is in France utterly deficient.

A proposition has lately been made to remove the seat of Government from Paris. But even if the members could force themselves to forego the pleasures and intrigues of the capital, Paris would be no less the metropolis and ruler of France. She is such, by virtue of the character of the French people, and not by act of any Legislative body.

Of those discharged in Mexico as above stated, in number 226, very few have been heard of. It is supposed that most of them died, being sick when discharged.

Of those known to be living, numbering 106, nearly all are broken down by disease, hardships, or wounds received in the campaign, and are unable to support themselves.

Of the 155 of whom we can learn nothing, we suppose the most have died, and many, doubtless, gone away, it may be, to California.

We have discovered 18 widows, who are all in a destitute condition, and about 20 children likewise situated. The case of Lieut. Boyle, of company C, is peculiarly touching. Soon after he left for the seat of war, his afflicted wife, broken-hearted, died, leaving five children. At the close of the war, Lieutenant Boyle returned, bereaved of his wife, and broken down in constitution. In a short time he died, leaving four children. Two of them are now in the orphan asylum, and two are now in New York.

Many and distressing have been the instances of suffering which have come under our knowledge among those who have reached their native land. Two have died, as we learn from correct authority, from actual starvation. Numbers have died in the hospital and alms-house, and, until quite recently, the misery of the relics of the first regiment of the New York volunteers has been comparatively unnoticed. We are glad to know, however, that lately a temporary fund, affording partial relief, has been established."

There is a great unwritten history of every war. When the last drum has beat, and the last cannon been fired, and national vanity rests content with its victims, then begins this silent struggle. Orphans and broken hearts are its conscripts. Its triumphal music is the wail of the nation over its dead. Never perhaps were these consequences so terrible as among our volunteers. From every town and village and neighborhood throughout the country, the volunteer system called away the flower of its youth. Lads, full of decision and courage, the stock to make men of, needing only years to become leaders among the people, sought their "destiny" on the plains of Mexico. They found it in the vomito, the bullet and the fever. The campaigner needs the power of endurance which mature age only can give, and its unsusceptibility to disease. We have the testimony of Napoleon, that while the young soldier could be led to the charge where older men would recoil, he still served mostly to crowd the hospitals and encumber the line of march. This experience was fatally sus tained in the Mexican war. The great loss of life by which some of our victories were gained, was even less than the silent though constant loss from disease and exposure. But the carnage of the battle-field, or the lonely grave by the way-side, were the least of these horrors, for all men must bow at the feet of death. The watchful, anxious homes, looking in vain for those that left them, years since, in gladness; the old men, their gray hairs brought with sorrow to the grave, and the accursed lot of the orphan telling the tale twenty years hence, form a mournful sequel to this mournful pageant. The few that return, wounded, broken in constitution, tainted, many of them, with

the vices of camps, find that their country, though at first intolerably vain of their glory, have begun to look at it more philosophically, and are by no means willing to pay a high price for so unsubstantial a commodity. Such details as the above may recall them to a feeling of humanity for the victims of a successful war.

THREATENED DIFFICULTIES BETWEEN FRANCE AND ENGLAND.-Diplomacy between France and England has, of late, been managed in such a way as to breed ill blood between the two countries. "London," says the European Times, "was yesterday in a state of feverish excitement. It was known on Thursday that the French ambassador, M. Drouyn de l'Huys, had left the British metropolis for Paris, on a day of all others when the courtesies of diplomacy were most strictly observed—namely, the anniversary of the Queen's birthday; and it was also known by the papers of the following morning, that the Russian ambassador was absent from the dinner party which Lord Palmerston gave to the ambassadors in honor of the event. These two circumstances combined, produced in political circles some uneasiness, in consequence of the turn which it was feared the Greek dispute had taken. Expla nations in both houses of Parliament were accordingly sought for, and given by Lord Landsdowne in the Lords, and Lord Palmerston in the Commons. The former described the recall of the French ambassador as an event of importance,' but he subsequently denied that it was of 'grave importance,' and intimated that the French government required his presence in the National Assembly, to give such explanation as the case required. Lord Palmerston, judging from the few sentences which fell from him, seems to have treated the affair less seriously. 'I trust,' said the noble Viscount, that nothing can arise out of these circumstances likely to disturb the friendly relations between England and France.'

The Times of yesterday, which evinces the same fondness for the Foreign Secretary that a nameless personage is said to do for holy water, showed in a leading article that matters were far more alarmingly entangled than the explanations' of the previous night would induce the public to suppose. It is needless to inquire from whom the Times derives its information, but evident that the Foreign office is infested with traitors; and it seems to us most discreditable that a paper which wears the ministerial livery, and is literally in all other respects, the organ of the ministry, should, in its anxiety to stab a member of that ministry, who is obnoxious in its eyes, carry its personal vindictiveness to an extent which is really calculated to embarrass the relations between the two countries. The funds, which

are always the test of public feeling on these Occasions, experienced a decided shock. Consuls, which stood the previous evening at 96 1-8, immediately declined 3-4 per cent., but they subsequently rallied, and c.osed at 95 to

95 1-8.

The explanation which Lord John Russell gave last night, in the House of Commons, does not throw much light on the matter, but, as far as it goes, it exhibits the soreness which the French government feels at what is evidently regarded as our cavalier treatment of its representative, the Baron de Gros, at Athens. Lord John stated that this would have been fully and satisfactorily cleared up, if the the Baron had remained at Athens three days longer. It is also clear, from the admission, somewhat reluctantly from the prime minister, that if Lord Palmerston had not in his possession at the time he gave his explanation the previous evening the letter from the French Secretary for Foreign Affairs, recalling M. Drouyn de l'Huys from London to Paris, and assigning as a reason the insult put upon the French government arising out of the Greek dispute, that the letter of recall had been nevertheless read to him.

It would be too much to say that the explanation of Lord Palmerston the previous night was disingenuous, for official explanations of the kind are often very enigmatical; but, certainly, the cool and composed manner in which he treated the subject, showed either that he thought the affair would blow over, or that his own nerves were not easily shaken. An accomplished diplomatist requires the boldness of the lion and the cunning of the fox. Has Lord Palmerston both, or only one of these qualities?

The worst feature of this ugly business relates to the proceedings in the National Assembly on Thursday, where the announcement by the Foreign Secretary, that he had recalled M. Brouyn de l'Huys, because of the insult England had put upon France, produced the greatest possible excitement and delight, followed by cries of "bravo!" and the clapping of hands, and other demonstrations which showed how palatable the act was to the National Assembly. In this unseemly manifestation, the leading men of all parties in the Assembly are said to have joined. It is difficult to say, in the present position of Louis Napoleon, what part his necessities may compel him to act. The question will be speedily and amicably settled if the vindication of French honor be his object. But if ulterior ends are to be attempted, a quarrel arising out of circumstances in themselves trivial, may lead to results which are fearful to contemplate. We await the issue with hope, and without fear.

The advices received from Paris, announce

not only the recall of M. Drouyn de l'Huys, the French Ambassador to this Government, but his actual arrival in Paris. Lord Normandy, our Ambassador at the French Court, has not left that city. It will be seen by General La Hitte's statement, that a charge d'affaires has been left in charge of the embassy in London, precisely as it was before the arrival of M. Brouyn de l'Huys. The tone of the Marquis of Lansdowne and Lord Palmerston, last night, did not warrant any alarm about the result. But that the sensibility of the French is deeply wounded, there is no doubt; and in the present critical state of Paris, and all France, it would be rash to predict that very grave results may not ensue.

It is very probable that the Greek question is made use of as a pretext for diverting the attention of the French people from the political questions which at present engross the attention of the Legislature, in the hope that an anticipated quarrel with England may gain favor for the French government with the troops and the people. This conjecture is strengthened by the fact that the announcement of the recall of the ambassador from London was received by the Conservatives in the French Assembly with frantic applause, whilst the members of the Left remained silent.

The following explanation was given in the Assembly on the 10th ult:-

The order of the day was the interpellations of M. Piscatory on the affairs of Greece.

General De La Hitte, minister of Foreign Affairs, ascended the Tribune and said—Gentlemen, in the sitting of Saturday last I had the honor of announcing to the Assembly, that, in consequence of the failure of our good officers in the negotiation pursued at Athens, the government of the republic had considered it its duty to apply to the English government for explanations. The reply which was given us not being such as we had a right to look for, considericg the good intelligence which existed between the two countries, the President of the Republic, after having taken the advice of his council, gave me orders to recall from London our ambassador. (A loud burst of cheering from the Right, clapping of hands, cries of "bravo, bravo;" renewed cheers, and clapping of hands from the same quarter. The Left all this time remained silent. The approbation continued at least five minutes.) In order to make the Assembly aware of the motives which actuated the government to come to this decision, I cannot do better than read to you the letter which I addressed M. Brouyn de l'Huys on this subject.

TO M. DROUYN DE L'HUYS, FRENCH AMBASSADOR AT LONDON.

PARIS, May 14, 1850. Monsieur :-As I had the honor of an