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injury, but to do good. We have met in the broad pathway of good faith and good will, so that no advantage can be taken on either side, but all is to be openness, brotherhood and love ; while all are to be treated as of the same Hesh and blood.” These are, indeed, words of true greatness. “Without any carnal weapons," says one of his companions, “we entered the land, and inhabited therein as safe as if there had been thousands of garrisons." A great man, worthy of the mantle of Penn, the venerable philanthropist, Clarkson, in his life of the founder of Pennsylvania, says, “The Pennsylvanians became armed, though without arms; they became strong, though without strength; they became sale, without the ordinary means of safety. The constable's staff was the only instrurnent of authority amongst thein for the greater part of a century; and never, during the administration of Penn, or that of his proper successors, was there a war or a quarrel."

Here, then, will be found the true grandeur of nations—not in extent of territory, nor in vastness of population, nor in wealth ; not in fortifications, or armies, or navies; not in the phosphorescent glare of fields of battle; not in Golgothas, though covered by monuments that kiss the clouds; nor yet in triumphs of the intellect alone, in literature, learning, science or art. The true grandeur of humanity is in MORAL ELEVATION, sustained, enlightened and decorated by the intellect of man; and the truest tokens of this grandeur in a State are the diffusion of the greatest happiness among the greatest number, and that passionless, Ciod-like Justice, which controls the relations of the State to other States, and to all the people who are committed to its charge. Peace has its own peculiar victories, in comparison with which Marathon, and Bannockburn, and Bunker Hill shall lose their lustre. Our own Washington rises to a truly heavenly stature,--not when we follow him over the ice of the Delaware to the capture of Trenton--not when we behold him victorious over Cornwallis at Yorktown; but when we regard him, in noble deference to justice, refusing the kingly crown which a faithless soldiery proffered, and at a later day upholding the peaceful neutrality of the country, while he received unmoved the clamor of the people wickedly crying for war.

But let us not confine ourselves to barren words in recognition of virtue. Let us, while we recognize the Law of Right and the Law of Love, aspire to the true glory, and, what is higher than glory, the great good, of taking the lead in disarming the nations. Let us abandon the system of preparation for war in time of peace, as irrational, unchristian, vainly prodigal of expense, and having a direct tendency to excite the very evil against which it professes to guard. Let the enormous means thus released from iron hands, be devoted to labors of beneficence; and the result shall be glorious beyond conception. Then shall the naked be clothed, and the hungry fed; institutions of science and learning shall crown every hill-top; hospitals for the sick, and other retreats for the unfortunate children of the world, for all who suffer in any way, in mind, body or estate, shall nestle in every valley; while the spires of new churches shall leap exulting to the skies. The whole land I can hardly conceive any topic more important in its nature, more extensive in its connections and bearings, or more vital to the welfare of individuals and nations.

Here is a vast field well nigh unexplored. The principles of peace, applicable alike to individuals and communities, have never been fully applied to nations; and such an application is regarded by not a few as preposterous and impracticable. Yet soinething has been done to pave the way for a result so devoutly to be wished. Grotius, in his great work on the Rights of Peace and War, led the van of this inquiry, and collected no small part of the materials requisite for such a system of international law as must one day regulate the intercourse of all civilized nations without the sword. Still many points of this code remain untouched, and some of its fundamental principles are neither rightly applied, nor properly understood. Here is a department of jurisprudence the most profound, extensive and important that philosophy ever investigated; and I have often wondered that men of science and letters have given it so small a share of their attention.

Shall such a field be neglected by the studious and the cultivated ? It surely deserves their special and most earnest attention. It will richly repay all the labor they may bestow upon it, and will bear a favorable comparison in every respect with any of those to which the scholar gives the full vigor of his powers. You can find none more important in history, mathematics or philosophy, in astrononny or chemistry, in any of the arts or sciences, in any branch of a common or liberal education; and if you spend year after year in learning languages spoken by no nation now on the globe, in tracing the movements of the planetary system, in mastering the dry abstractions of mathematics, in conning the rules of rhetoric, in threading the labyrinths of metaphysical science, or in classifying rocks and stones, pebbles and shells, birds and fishes, reptiles and insects, can you overlook such a subject as the world's entire, perpetual pacification?

2. Another special claim of this cause arises from your capacity for its proper investigation. More than ordinary cultivation is requisite for such a purpose. It is easy to interest common minds in the details of war; but the cause of peace has aspects, relations and bearings, which an intellect either superficial, undisciplined, or poorly furnished, will never be able fully to comprehend. To master such a subject, demands an extent of knowledge, a reach of thought, and habits of inquiry and reflection, possessed only by cultivated minds. Here is a field emphatically their own; and they ought to enter it as pioneers of the people. Scholars must first take hold of peace in earnest, and press its claims on the community, before the millions will wake to its real importance.

3. Glance, moreover, at the mental effects of war. Its ironhanded sway over the minds as well as the bodies of its minions, must give the cause of peace peculiar claims upon intellectual men who demand freedorn of thought, speech and action. The mental despotism of war is the worst form of oppression on earth. It allows the soldier neither liberty of speech, nor freedom of inquiry, nor the safe, unshackled exercise of his own conscience; it turns him into a mere wheel in the vast machinery of war, and forbids his moving beyond his prescribed sphere in the work of carnage and devastation. It well nigh annihilates all individuality of mind and character. The will of thousands it holds in stern subjection to a single mind, and keeps them in a state of bondage more galling to the soul than that of a Polish serf, a Turkish peasant, or a galley slave.

All history, all observation, confirm these statements. “It has been a generally received opinion,” says Franklin in one of his let ters to Vaughan, “ that a military man is not to inquire whether a war be just or unjust; he is to execute his orders! All princes that are disposed to become tyrants, must probably approve of this opinion, and be willing to establish it; but is it not a dangerous one? On this principle," a principle essential to the war system, “if the tyrant commands his army to attack and destroy not only an unoffending neighbor nation, but even his own subjects, his army is bound to obey. A negro slave in our colonies, being commanded by his master to rob or murder a neighbor, or do any other immoral act, may refuse, and the magistrate will protect him in his refusal. The slavery of a soldier then is worse than that of a negro."

War allows to its agents no real freedom of mind. Lord Wellington once said in a public debate, that no man of religious principles, of such scruples as would interfere with any deeds of atrocity required in this trade of human butchery, should be a soldier; and two British officers, having conscientiously refused to take any part in certain Popish ceremonies which they deemed idolatrous, were tried by a court martial, and cashiered. They appealed to the King; and his organ, in confirming the sentence, observed that, “ if religious principles were allowed to be urged by individual officers as a plea for disobedience of orders, the discipline of the army would sustain an injury which might be dangerous to the state."

But the mental tyranny of war is not confined to soldiers ; it extends more or less through the nation, and seeks to bring all ininds under the control of brute force, and brute courage. It is the coarsest, as well as the cruellest of all despotisms, and presents a startling contrast to the character of a civilized, Christian community. Here is the very genius of pagan barbarism lording it over Christendom itself; and with all our pretensions to intelligence and piety, we very much resemble in this custom the ancient Egyptians bowing down to crocodiles and alligators. War is still the undisputed tyrant of Christendom, its recognized demi-god, with his creed of violence, his precepts of crime, and his logic of lead and steel. It treats man as a brute, and tramples his intellectual manhood in the dust.

Look at the influence of this custom on mind in civil and political matters. It forbids the predominance of intellect and knowledge in the affairs of state. Talent, intelligence, every kind of mental culture, it keeps in the lowest possible scale of estimation, or makes them mere handmaids to its selfish and savage purposes. Statesmen and philosophers, orators and men of science and letters, it throws into the shade, or chains to its car, or crushes beneath its iron hoof. Bold and brawny hands, the qualities of a tiger or bull-dog, seize the reins of government, and monopolize the political power of the world.

On this point history is decisive. Warriors have generally been permitted to engross the government of mankind; and, with a very few exceptions like Cæsar, you will find them, like Attila and Alaric, Tamerlane, Jenghiz-khan and Achilles, a species of human tigers, skilled in little else than the art of bloodshed, devastation and misery. An Alexander or Napoleon may occasionally take with them on their excursions a naturalist to collect curiosities, a historian to record their exploits, or a poet to sing their praises; but the mass of powerful and cultivated ininds, the warrior brings into subserviency to his own aggrandizement, and keeps them in a state of servile, debasing subjection. If you cultivate the arts of peace, talent, knowledge and wisdom will hold the reins of government; but let the people become warlike, and military chieftains would soon drive them all at the point of the bayonet. Review the history of Greece and Rome, of England under Cromwell, of France under Napoleon, of all the republics except our own in the New World ; and you will find on this point a superabundance of proof.

In view of such facts, I stand amazed at the disposition of intellectual men to eulogize war and warriors. Still more strange is the encouragement which statesmen lend to war; for they are thus cherishing a serpent that will one day wreath his folds around themselves, and strangle them to death. It is only in peace that their worth can be fully appreciated, or their merits duly rewarded ; while in war, or under its influences even in peace, Pompey outpeers Cicero, Cromwell takes precedence of Milton, and the hero of New Orleans or Tippecanoe, with only a modicum of talent or knowledge, leaves the first minds of the land far behind them in the race of popularity and power.

4. Another pledge of their special interest in the cause of peace may be found in the character of literary men. They are generally peaceful; most of the influences acting upon them are pacific; and I can hardly conceive it possible for them to carry the spirit of war into the researches of science, the pursuits of art, or the studies of literature and philosophy. All these are plants of peace, and can flourish only amid its balmy breezes, and beneath its gentle dews and genial sunshine.

Look at the man of science or letters. Peace is his very element. He lives in a peaceful retreat ; he breathes a peaceful atmosphere; he is surrounded by peaceful associates; his whole life is a current of peaceful labors and enjoyments. Still more so with the youthful student; his studies, his recreations, all the scenes about him are peaceful. It would seem impossible for such persons to cherish a war-spirit; and from them the cause of peace may well expect an unwonted degree of sympathy and support.

5. But mark the subserviency of this cause to the peculiar interests of sc entitic and literary men. All their pursuits require peace. War paralyzes, suspends or deranges them all. Peace is the chosen nurse of genius and taste, of philosophy, art and science. They expire in the foul and bloody embraces of war. It sweeps, like a deadly sirocco, across the gardens of intellect and knowledge. You can find no literature, no philosophy, no art or science, except that of human butchery, flourishing beneath its death-shades.

So all history tells us. Recount the names of those whose literary or scientific faine has filled the world ; and how few of them won their way to eminence amid the din of war! Where did Newton and Davy make their discoveries, or Locke and Aristotle excogitate their metaphysics, or Pliny, Buffon and Linnæus originate or remodel entire departments of science, or Bacon elicit and embody the great principles of philosophy, or Plato compose his matchless essays, or Demosthenes and Cicero acquire their mastery over the human mind, or Homer himself learn to chant the praises of war in deathless song? On the battle-field, in camps and fleets ? No; nearly all the products of their genius, taste and learning were fruits of peace, which war would have crushed in the germ, or nipped in the bud.

Glance at the ravages which this demon of vandalism has made of such products. Whose torch burnt those treasures of knowledge which so many centuries had been accumulating in Egypt? Whose hand seized the noblest monuments of ancient art, and hurled them in fragments to the ground? Whose foot of iron trampled on the statues, and temples, and arches, and columns of Greece and Rome? The richest treasures of learning, the finest works of art, the most splendid productions of taste and genius, war has wantonly destroyed, and seemed to glory in the ruin.

6 War is, also, hostile to the general cultivation of mind. It comes over the mass of society like a thunder-cloud, and conceals the sun of science from their view. It quenches in many the very desire for mental improvement, and absorbs the time and money needed for such a purpose. Where the whole land is a vast muster-field; where every man, not diseased or crippled, is held to military service; where the arrangements for war supersede those for every other object, and keep society in a state of ceaseless commotion or suspense, I see not how any system of common education can be pursued with steady vigor aud success. To this rule there may be exceptions, but no contradiction of the principle.

Equally hostile is war to the higher departments of education. Few here pass through a course of liberal studies without an eye to one of the learned professions ; but the demands of war, if uninterrupted, would render it quite uncertain whether a youth would be permitted to reach his goal. Where the practice of conscription or impressment prevails; where every young man is liable, at the very age of commencing his studies for a profession, to be dragged into an army or navy for life; where every thing is unsetiled, and the vicissitudes of war keep the whole community like

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