ber, than the matter was keenly discussed. It is a remarkable feature of these times that the leading Admirals and Generals of the war were also for the most part Members of Parliament. Thus, throughout the winter and the spring of 1779, we find not only Admiral Keppel and Sir Hugh Palliser, but also Lord and Sir William Howe and General Burgoyne, able themselves to allege their grievances or defend their conduct. In some of these cases there were Committees of Inquiry, and examinations of witnesses, but in none any clear or positive Parliamentary result. These altercations, in their full details, could not fail to interest, because they inflamed, the party-spirit of the day; but a slight sketch of them may well suffice for the information of a later age.

Sir Hugh Palliser now brought forward charges against Keppel for misconduct and incapacity in the recent action. Upon these the Admiralty ordered a Court-Martial. But as Keppel was now in an ill state of health, an Act of Parliament was proposed by the Opposition, and allowed to pass by the Ministry, enabling the Court-Martial, contrary to the commoh rule of the service, to meet on shore. It did meet accordingly at Portsmouth. There Keppel was seen attended by many of his principal Opposition friends, as their Royal Highnesses of Gloucester and of Cumberland, the Duke of Richmond and the Marquis of Rockingham, Fox and Burke, and two young men, as yet unknown to fame, nor yet in Parliament, Sheridan and Erskine. It was an anxious time for all concerned. After thirty-two days' sitting, the Court came to an unanimous decision that the charges were malicious and ill founded, and that Keppel, far from having sullied the honour of the service, had acted in all respects as became a judicious, brave, and experienced officer. By this time the tide of public feeling was running strongly in his favour. Gibbon writes as follows, in London, on the expected news of the acquittal: "In a night or two we "shall be in a blaze of illumination from the zeal of naval "heroes, land patriots, and tallow-chandlers; the last are

"not the least sincere."* The enthusiasm rose even higher than Gibbon had foreseen. For two successive nights were the cities of London and Westminster illuminated at the tidings of Keppel's triumph, whilst a lawless mob deemed they did him honour in breaking open the house of Sir Hugh Palliser, destroying its furniture, and burning Sir Hugh himself in effigy. The houses of Lord North and Lord George Germaine were likewise assailed, and their windows broken; and at the Admiralty the iron gates were forced from their hinges.

The popular excitement was revived a few days afterwards, when Keppel was presented with the freedom of the City, and went to dine with the Common Council at the London Tavern. At Charing Cross the mob insisted on taking the horses from his carriage and drawing him onwards by their own strength. His coachman at the same time found it necessary to relinquish the box; "in favour," says a contemporary, "of a number of Jack Tars, who swarmed about "the carriage like bees round a hive."** Nor can it be said that this revulsion of feeling in behalf of the Admiral was confined to the capital alone. In the country villages "The "Admiral Keppel" became a favourite sign; held equal, at the least, to the effigy of other Admirals, who, unlike Keppel, had had the opportunity of gaining some great victory, and doing their country some signal service.

In both Houses of Parliament a vote of thanks to the acquitted Admiral was moved and carried, with only one dissentient voice; this came from Mr. Strutt, a gentleman of Essex, grandfather of the present Lord Rayleigh. Sir Hugh Palliser felt keenly the reflection implied against himself by the recent decision of the Court-Martial, as well as by the votes of Parliament. With high spirit he resigned, not only his employments, amounting to 4000l. a-year, but also his seat in the House of Commons, and demanded a Court-Mar

* Letter to Holroyd, February 6. 1779.

**Town and Country Magazine for 1779, as quoted in Keppel's Life, vol. ii. p. 209. ed. 1842.

tial on himself. This new Court-Martial continued to sit for three and twenty days. At last they declared that the behaviour of Palliser had been in many respects exemplary and meritorious. They could not help thinking it was incumbent on him to have made known to the Commander-in-chief the disabled state of his own ship, but on no other point did they consider him chargeable with misconduct, and therefore upon the whole they acquitted him. But this acquittal did not at first by any means appease the rancour of the multitude.*

The Ministers, though not perfectly satisfied with Keppel, had no intention of withdrawing him from the command of the Channel fleet. But Keppel had conceived the utmost resentment against them. He had by nature a haughty temper, or, according to the fine image which Burke applies to him, "it was a wild-stock of pride." He wrote a letter to the King, entreating that he might not be expected to go again to sea under men who had treated him with "so glaring an injustice." He also, as he tells us, took great umbrage at the expressions of a subsequent letter from the Board of Admiralty, although in that letter, as published, and as now before me, it is not easy to discover a single word or thought to give offence. Under the influence of feelings which, with all respect to him, we may consider overstrained, he invited and received directions to strike his flag; thus deeming himself justified in leaving the active service of his country at a time when it greatly needed men like him.**

An accomplished contemporary, on reviewing these transactions many years afterwards, observes of Sir Hugh Palliser: "Perhaps no man "was ever more cruelly used by the public, through a virulent partyspirit." (Lord Sheffield, note to Gibbon's Miscellaneous Works, vol. ii. p. 228.)

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** The Life of Admiral, afterwards Viscount, Keppel, has been written by his kinsman, the Hon. and Rev. Thomas Keppel, with care and perspicuity, but not without strong party and family bias. For the Letter to the King, in March, 1779, as derived from Lord St. Vincent's MSS., see vol. ii. p. 221., and for the Letter from the Board of Admiralty, p. 227. Keppel was, beyond all doubt, a good officer and a highly honourable man, yet perhaps his fame with posterity will mainly rest on the sister arts of painting and poetry - on those two most noble portraits by Reynolds, the one inherited by Earl Fitzwilliam, the other purchased at Christie's for

Not merely Admirals and Captains took part in these discussions. The attack against Lord Sandwich was headed by Fox in the House of Commons. In his speeches he proceeded to the most violent extremes. The First Lord of the Admiralty, cried he, has driven from the service both Admiral Keppel and Lord Howe; he is a worse traitor to his country than even Jack the Painter! Fox even went the length of moving, in express terms, that Lord Sandwich might be dismissed from His Majesty's presence and councils for ever; and Lord Bristol renewed that motion in the House of Peers. Lord Sandwich found it necessary to remind his accusers that though he was solely responsible for the equipment, he was not solely, but jointly, responsible for the employment, of the naval force, which was decided in the Cabinet, and finally sanctioned by the King. The motions against him might be, and they were, rejected by large majorities; still, however, the invectives of the Opposition leaders could not fail to make a gradual impression on the public. Several officers of rank, besides Lord Keppel, declared that they would not serve under the present Ministers. Nor were such feelings of dissatisfaction confined to the highest class. Before the close of the Session symptoms, though happily suppressed, of mutiny had appeared on board the fleet in the Channel.

Symptoms of insubordination, though from another cause, showed themselves in Scotland also. Riots took place both at Edinburgh and at Glasgow in January and February of this year, against the Roman Catholics, real or reputed. Their houses were assailed, their furniture broken, their lives threatened, their persons insulted. At Edinburgh the popular indignation was more especially directed by hand-bills against what was termed "that Pillar "of Popery"-a new-built house, namely, in Leith Wynd, containing a room for Roman Catholic worship. The house

5001. by the late Sir Robert Peel and on that description of his character, rich with all the hues of imagery, and suggested by the former of those. very pictures, in Burke's "Letter to a Noble Lord."

was accordingly set on fire, and the inhabitants scarce escaped with their lives. In some of these cases the magistrates are accused of culpable remissness, as though their own sympathies were rather with the perpetrators than with the victims of the No Popery outrages. Soon afterwards, in the House of Commons, Wilkes inquired of the Lord Advocate, Henry Dundas, what had become of his promised Bill for the relief of the Roman Catholics north of Tweed. Dundas answered frankly and fairly that he had dropped it for the present at the request of the Roman Catholics themselves, who dreaded that it might become the handle of further persecution. Concessions like these to unreasonable clamour may be needful from the temper of the times, but even then they leave no party satisfied, and far from quenching they only add fuel to the flame. Throughout Scotland the Protestant Association and Corresponding Committees gained strength and confidence; and they elected for their President Lord George Gordon. Henceforth, then, the silly ravings of that young nobleman in the House of Commons became important on account of the tens of thousands of followers who, as he boasted, were ready at his call. One of his favourite topics was to declare, or to insinuate, that King George the Third was at heart a Papist! By his exertions a Protestant Association, with Corresponding Committees, was formed in England also, and of these, as of the Scottish, Lord George was chosen President. Great evils might be expected, and next year did ensue, from so turbulent a body joined to so weak a head. Looking then to this outbreak of fanaticism, both in Scotland and in England - beholding, likewise, the rising commercial discontents among the Irish, and the germ of their Volunteer Associations it might be said at this juncture that there was no single province of the British empire, far or near, which did not afford just ground for most grave anxiety.

Early in the year the Government endeavoured to strengthen itself by the accession of what had been Lord Chatham's party; Lord North himself to retire. An overture Mahon, History. VI.

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