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and no government whatever can possibly be vent. In countries where there never have secure where there are no arrangements for been any political elections, and few local this purpose. Thus it is plainly for want of a magistracies, or occasions of provincial and proper Despotic Constitution—for want of a parochial assemblages for public purposes, the regular and safe way of getting at the opinions real state of opinion must be substantially of their armies, that the Sultans and other unknown even to the most observant resident Asiatic sovereigns are so frequently beheaded in each particular district ;-and its general by their janissaries or insurgent soldiery: and, bearing all over the country can never possiin like manner, it was for want of a proper bly be learned by the most diligent inquiries, Feudal Constitution, that, in the decline of that or even guessed at with any reasonable desystem, the King was só often dethroned by gree of probability. The first deputies, there. his rebellious barons, or excommunicated by fore, are necessarily returned, without any an usurping priesthood. In more advanced firm or assured knowledge of the sentiments times, there is the same necessity of conform of their constituents—and they again can ing to the prevailing opinion of those more have nothing but the most vague notions of extended and diversified descriptions of per- the temper in which these sentiments are to sons in whom the power of enforcing and re- be enforced-while the whole deputies come sisting has come to reside; and the natural together without any notion of the disposiand only safe constitution for such societies, tions, or talents, or designs of each other, and must therefore embrace a representative as- are left to scramble for distinction and influsembly. A government may no doubt go on, ence, according to the measure of their indi. in opposition to the opinion of this virtual aris- vidual zeal, knowledge, or assurance. In tocracy, for a long time after it has come into England, there were no such novelties to be existence. For it is not enough that there is hazarded, either in 1640 or in 1688. The wealth, and intelligence, and individual influ- people of this country have had an elective ence enough in a community to overbear all parliament from the earliest period of their pretensions opposed to them. It is necessary history-and, long before either of the periods that the possessors of this virtual power should in question, had been trained in every hamlet be aware of their own numbers, and of the to the exercises of various political franchises, conformity of their sentiments or views; and and taught to consider themselves as connect

late in the progress of society before ed, by known and honourable ties, with all the means of communication are so multiplied the persons of influence and consideration in and improved, as to render this practicable in their neighbourhood, and, through them, by any tolerable degree. Trade and the press, an easy gradation with the political leaders however, have now greatly facilitated those of the State ;-while, in Parliament itself, the communications; and in all the central coun- place and pretensions of every man were tries of Europe, they probably exist in a de- pretty accurately known, and the strength of gree quite sufficient to give one of the parties, each party reasonably well ascertained by at least, very decided impressions both as to long and repeated experiments, made under its interests and its powers.

all variety of circumstances. The organizaIn such a situation of things, we cannot tion and machinery, in short, for collecting hesitate to say that a representative govem- the public opinion, and bringing it into conment is the natural, and will be the ultimate tact with the administration, was perfect, and remedy; but if we find that even where such in daily operation among us, from very, anan institution existed from antiquity, it was cient times. The various conduits and chanpossible so fatally to miscalculate and mis- nels by which was to be conveyed from its judge the opinions of the nation, as proved to first faint springs in the villages and burghs, be the case in the reign of our King Charles, and conducted in gradually increasing streams is it not manifest that there must be tenfold to the central wheels of the government, were risk of such miscalculation in a country where all deep worn in the soil, and familiarly no such constitution has been previously known, with all their levels and connections, known, and where, from a thousand causes, to every one who could be affected by their the true state of the public mind is so apt to be condition. In France, when the new sluices oppositely misconceived by the opposite par- were opened, not only were the waters uni. ties, as it is up to the present hour in France ? versally foul and turbid, but the quantity and

The great and cardinal use of a representa- the currents were all irregular and unknown; tive body in the legislature is to afford a di- and some stagnated or trickled feebly along, rect, safe, and legitimate channel, by which while others rushed and roared with the viothe public opinion may be brought to act on lence and the mischief of a torrent. But it is the government: But, to enable it to perform time to leave these perplexing generalities, this function with success, it is by no means and come a little closer to the work before us. enough, that a certain number of deputies are It was the Cardinal de Richelieu, according sent into the legislature by a certain number to Madame de Staël, who completed the deof electors. Without a good deal of previous gradation of the French nobility, begun by training, the public opinion itself can neither Louis XI. ;-and the arrogance and Spanish be formed, collected, nor expressed in any au- gravity of Louis XIV., assumed, as she says, thentic or effectual manner; and the first pour eloigner de lui la familiarité des jugeestablishment of the representative system mens,” fixed them in the capacity of courmust be expected to occasion very nearly as tiers; and put an end to that gay and easy much disturbance as it may ultimately pre- tone of communication, which, in ihe days of

Henri IV., had made the task of a courtier try, to have been, “ to persuade the King to both less wearisome and less degrading. She do of himself that justice to the people, to has no partiality, indeed, for the memory of obtain which they afterwards insisted for repthat buckram hero-and is very indignant at resentatives.” Such a counsellor, of course, his being regarded as the patron of literature. had no chance in 1780; and, the year after, "* 1 persécuta Port-Royal, dont Pascal étoit le M. Necker was accordingly dismissed. The chef; il fit mourir de chagrin Racine; il exila great objection to him was, that he proposed Fénélon; il s'opposa constamment aux hon-innovations et de toutes les innovations, neurs qu'on vouloit rendre à La Fontaine, et celle que les courtisans et les financiers dene professa de l'admiration que pour Boileau. testent le plus, c'est l'E MIE." Before La littérature, en l'exaltant avec excès, a bien going out, however, he did a great deal of plus fait pour lui qu'il n'a fait pour elle.':- good; and found means, while M. de Mau(Vol. i. p. 36.) In his own person, indeed, he repas had a bad fit of gout, to get M. de Saroutlived his popularity, if not his fame. The tine removed from the ministry of marine-a brilliancy of his early successes was lost in personage so extremely diligent in the studies his later reverses.

The debts he had con- belonging to his department, that when M. tracted lay like a load on the nation; and the Necker went to see him soon after his appointrigour and gloominess of his devotion was one ment, he found him in a chamber all hung cause of the alacrity with which the nation round with maps; and boasting with much plunged into all the excesses and profligacy of complaceney, that he could already put his the regency and the suceeding reign.

hand uponi the largest of them, and point, with That reign-the weakness of Louis XV.- his eyes shut, to the four quarters of the the avowed and disgusting influence of his world!'' mistresses and all their relations, and the na

Calonne succeede-a frivolous, presumptional disasters which they occasioned-10- tuous person, --and a financier, in so far as we gether with the general spread of intelligence can judge, after the fashion of our poet-lauamong the body of the people, and the bold reate: For he too, it seems, was used to call and vigorous spirit displayed in the writings prodigality " a large economy;", and to assure of Montesquieu, Voltaire, and Rousseau, cre- ihe King, that the more lavish he and his ated a general feeling of discontent and con- court were in their expenses, so much the tempt for the government, and prepared the better would it fare with the country. The way for those more intrepid reformers who consequence was, that the disorder soon bewere so soon destined to succeed.

came irremediable; and this sprightly minisLouis XVI., says Madame de Staël, would ter was forced at last to adopt Turgot's prohave been the mildest and most equitable of posal of subjecting the privileged orders to despots, and the most constitutional of consti- iheir share of the burdens and finally to adtutional kings—had he been born to adminis- vise the convocation of the Notables, in 1787. ter either an established despotism, or a The Notables, however, being all privileged constitutional monarchy. But he was not persons, refused to give up any of their imîtted to fill the throne during the difficult and munities-and they and M. de Calonne were trying crisis of a transition from the one state dismissed accordingly. Then came the waverio the other. He was sincerely anxious for ing and undecided administration of M. de the happiness and even the rights of his peo- Brienne, which ended with the resolution to ple; but he had a hankering after the absolute assemble the States-General ;-and this was power which seemed to be his lawful inherit- the Revolution ! ance: and was too easily persuaded by those Hitherto, says Madame de Staël, the nation about him to cling to it too long, for his own at large, and especially the lower orders, had safety, or that of the country. The Queen, taken no share in those discussions. The with the same amiable dispositions, had still resistance to the Court—the complaints—the more of those natural prejudices. M. de Mau- call for reformation, originated and was conrepas, a minister of the old school, was com- fined to the privileged orders—to the Parliapelled by the growing disorders of the ments—the Nobles and the Clergy. No revfinances, to call to his aid the talents of Tur- olution indeed can succeed in a civilised put and Necker about the year 1780. We country, which does not begin at least with hear enough, of course, in this book, of the the higher orders. It was in the parliament latter: But though we can pardon the filial of Paris, in which the peers of France had piety which has led the author to discuss, at seats, and which had always been most tenaso great length, the merit of his plans of cious of the privileges of its members, that finance and government, and to dwell on the the suggestion was first made which set fire prophetic spirit in which he foresaw and fore- to the four quarters of the kingdom. In that told all the consequences that have flowed kingdom, indeed, it could hardly fail, as it from rejecting them, we have too much re- was made in the form of a pun or bon mot. gard for our readers to oppress them, at this They were clamouring against the minister time of day, with an analysis of the Compte for not exhibiting his account of the public Rendu, or the scheme for provincial assem- expenses, when the Abbé Sabatier said blies. As an historical personage, he must " Vous demandez, messieurs, les états de recette have his due share of notice; and no fame et de depense-et ce sont les Etats-Généraux can be purer than that to which he is entitled. qu'il nous faut !”—This was eagerly repeated His daughter, we think, has truly described in every order of society; addresses to that the scope of his endeavours, in his first minis- effect were poured in, in daily heaps; and at

last M. de Brienne was obliged to promise, in | l'ignorance, l'ignorance accroît la misère; et, the King's name, that the States-General quand on se demande pourquoi le peuple français a should assemble at the end of five years. la cause que dans l'absence de bonheur, qui condue

cié si cruel dans la révolution, on ne peut en trouver This delay only inflamed the general impa- à l'absence de moralité."— Vol. i. p. 79. tience: and the clergy having solemnly declaimed against it, the King was at last obliged

But what made the injustice of this strange to announce that they should meet early in system of laying the heaviest pecuniary bur

dens the following year. M. Necker at the same

on the poorest a thousand times more time was recalled to the ministry.

oppressive, and ten thousand times more proThe States-General were demanded by the voking, was, that the invidious right of erprivileged orders: and, if they really expect- emption came at last to be claimed, not by ed to find them as they were in 1614, which the true ancient noblesse of France, whicki

, was their last meeting, (though it is not very hundred families, but by hundreds of thousands

Madame de Staël says, did not extend to two conceivable that they should have overlooked the difference of the times.) we can under- of persons of all descriptions, who had bought stand that they might have urged this demand patents of nobility for the very purpose of obwithout any design of being very liberal to taining this exemption. There was nothing the other orders of the community. This is in the structure of French society that was the edifying abstract which Madame de Staël more revolting, or called more loudly for rehas given of the proceedings of that venerable formation, than the multitude and ihe


They were tensions of this anomalous race.

most jealously distinguished from the irue · Le Clergé demanda qu'il lui für permis de lever original Noblesse ; which guarded its purity des dîmes sur toute espèce de fruits et de grains, et indeed with such extreme rigour, that no per qu'on défendît de lui faire payer des droits à l'en. irée des villes, ou de lui imposer sa part des contri

son was allowed to enter any of the royal butions pour les chemins ; il réclama de nouvelles carriages whose patent of nobility vas iet entraves à la liberié de la presse. La Noblesse de certified by the Court heralds to bear date nianda que les principaux emplois fussent tous prior to the year 1400; and yet they not only donnés exclusivement aux gentilshommes, qu'on assumed the name and title of nobles, but interdît aux roturiers les arquebuses, les pistolets, el l'usage des chiens, à moins qu'ils n'eussent les full participation of all their most offensive

were admitted, as against the people, into a turiers payassent de nouveaux droits seigneuriaux privileges. It is with justice, therefore, that aux gentilshommes possesseurs de fiefs ; que l'on Madame de Staël reckons as one great cause supprimât toutes les pensions accordées aux mem of the Revolution,bres du tiers état ; mais que les gentilshommes fussent exempts de la contrainte par corps, et de

“Cette foule de gentilshommes du second ordre, tout subside sur les denrées de leurs terres; qu'ils anoblis de la veille, soit par les lettres de noblesse pussent prendre du sel dans les greniers du roi au que les rois donnoient comme faisant suite à l'atmême prix que les marchands; enfin que le tiers franchissement des Gaulois, soit par les charges état fùi obligé de porter un habit different de celui vénales de secrétaire du roi, etc., qui associoieni de des gentilshommes.”—Vol. i. p. 162.

nouveaux individus aux droits et aux priviléges des

anciens gentilshommes. La nation se seroit soumise The States-General, however, were decreed; volontiers à la prééminence des familles historiques; -and, that the whole blame of innovation et je n'exagère pas en affirmant qu'il n'y en a pas might still lie upon the higher orders, M. de plus de deux cents en France. Mais les cent milie Brienne, in the name of the King, invited all des priviléges, à l'égal de ceux de MM. de Moni. and sundry to make public their notions upon morenci. de Grammont, de Crillon, etc., révol. the manner in which that great body should soient généralement; car des négocians, des hommes be arranged. By the old form, the Nobles, the de lettres, des propriétaires, des capitalistes, ne Clergy, and the Commons, each deliberated pouvoient comprendre la supériorité qu'on vouloit apart--and each had but one voice in the enact- accorder à çerte noblesse acquise à prix de révé.

rences ou d'argent, et à laquelle vingi-cinq ans de ment of laws;—so that the privileged orders date suffisoient pour siégre dans la chambre des were always two to one against the other nobles, et pour jouir des priviléges dont les plus and the course of legislation had always been honorables membres du tiers état se voyoient privés. to extend the privileges of the one, and in

“La chambre des pairs en Angleierre est une crease the burdens of the other. Accordingly, anciens souvenirs de la chevalerie, mais tout-à-fait

inagistrature patricienne, fondée sans doute sur les the tiers état had long been defined, "la gent associée à des institutions d'une nature très-diffé. corvéable et taillable, à merci et à miséricorde ;)? Un mériie distingué dans le commerce, et —and Madame de Staël, in one of those pas- surtout dans la jurisprudence, en ouvre journelle. sages that already begin to be valuable to the ment l'entrée ; et les droits représentatiis que les forgetful world, bears this striking testimony c'est pour le bien public que leurs rangs sont insti:

pairs exercent dans l'état, attestenı à la nacion que as to the effect on their actual condition.

tués. . Mais quel avantage les François pouvoient"Les jeunes gens et les étrangers qui n'ont pas dans ces marquis de la Loire, qui ne payoient pas

ils trouver dans ces vicomtes de la Garonne, ou connu la France avant la révolution, et qui voient seulement leur part des impôts de l'état, et que le aujourd'hui le peuple enrichi par la division des roi lui-même ne recevoit pas à sa cour; puisqu'il propriétés et la suppression des dîmes et du régime falloit faire des preuves de plus de quatre siicles féodal, ne peuvent avoir l'idée de la situation de ce pays, lorsque la nation portoit le poids de tous les depuis cinquante ans ? 'La vaniré des gens de cette

pour y être admis, et qu'ils étoient à peine anoblis priviléges. Les partisans de l'esclavage, dans les classe ne pouvoit s'exercer que sur leurs inférieurs, colonies, ont souvent dit qu'un paysan de France étoit plus malheureux qu'un nègre. C'étoit un d'hommes." — Vol. i. p. 166—168.

et ces inférieurs, c'étoient vingt-quatre millions argument pour soulager les blancs, mais non pour s'endurcir contre les noirs. La misère accroît Strange as it may appear, there was no law




or usage fixing the number of the deputies who | imagined more striking than the first sight of might be returned; and though, by the usage the twelve hundred deputies of France, as of 1614, and some former assemblies, the they passed in solemn procession to hear three orders were allowed each but one voice mass at Notre Dame, the day before the in the legislature, there were earlier examples meeting of the States-General. of the whole meeting and voting as individuals in the same assembly. M. de Brienne, as

“ La Noblesse se trouvant déchue de sa splenwe have seen, took the sapient course of call- deur, par l'esprit de courtisan, par l'alliage des ing all the pamphleteers of the kingdom into sédant plus l'ascendant des lumières qu'il avoit eu

anoblis, et par une longue paix ; le Clergé ne pos. council upon this emergency. It was fixed dans les temps barbares; l'importance des députés at last

, though not without difficulty, that the du Tiers état en étoit augmentée. Leurs habits et deputies of the people should be equal in leurs manteaux noirs, leurs regards assurés, leur number to those of the other two classes to- nombre imposant, attiroient l'attention sur eux : gether; and it is a trait worth mentioning, nombre d'avocats composoient ce troisième ordre.

Des hommes de lettres, des négocians, un grand that the only committee of Nobles who voted Quelques nobles s'étoient fait nommer députés du for this concession, was that over which the tiers, et parmi ces nobles on remarquoit surtout le present King of France (in 1818) presided. Comie de Mirabeau: l'opinion qu'on avoit de son If it meant any thing, however, this conces- esprit étoit singulièrement augmentée par la peur sion implied that the whole body was to de que faisoit son immoralité; et cependant c'est cette liberate in common, and to vote individually; étonnantes facultés devoient lui valoir. Il étoit and yet, incredible as it now appears, the fact difficile de ne pas le regarder long-temps, quand on is that the King and his ministers allowed the l'avoit une fois aperçu: Son immense chevelure deputies to be elected, and actually to assem- le distinguoit entre tous : on eût dit que sa force en ble without having settled that great question, dépendoit comme celle de Samson; son visage or even made any approach to its settlement! empruntoit de l'expression de sa laideur même ; et Of all the particular blunders that ensured or irrégulière, mais enfin d'une puissance telle qu'on

toute sa personne donnoit l'idée d'une puissance accelerated what was probably inevitable, se la représenteroit dans un tribun de peuple. this has always appeared to us to be one of " Aucun nom propre, excepté le sien, n'étoit the most inconceivable. The point, how- encore célèbre dans les six cents députés du tiers; ever, though not taken up by any authority, mais il y avoit beaucoup d'hommes honorables, er was plentifully discussed among the talkers beaucoup d'hommes à craindre.”—Vol. i. pp. 185, of Paris; and Madame de Staël assures us, that the side of the tiers état was at that time The first day of their meeting, the deputies the most fashionable in good company, as of course insisted that the whole three orders well as the most popular with the bulk of the should sit and vote together; and the majority nation. “Tous ceux et toutes celles qui, dans of the nobles and clergy of course resisted :la haute compagnie de France, influoient sur And this went on for nearly two months, in l'opinion, parloient vivement en faveur de la the face of the mob of Paris and the people cause de la nation. La mode étoit dans ce of France-before the King and his Council sens. C'étoit le résultat de tout le dix-huit could make up their own minds on the matjème siècle ; et les vieux préjugés, qui com- ter! The inner cabinet, in which the Queen battoient encore pour les anciennes institu- and the Princes had the chief sway, had now tions, avoient beaucoup moins de force alors, taken the alarm, and was for resisting the qu'ils n'en ont eu à aucune époque pendant pretensions of the Third Estate; while M. les vingt-cinq années suivantes. Enfin l'a- Necker, and the ostensible ministers, were for seendant de l'esprit public étoit tel, qu'il compromising with them, while their power entraina le parlement lui-même.”—(Vol. i. was not yet proved by experience, nor their pp. 172, 173.) The clamour that was made pretensions raised by victory. The Ultras reagainst them was not at that time by the ad- lied on the army, and were for dismissing the vocates of the royal prerogative, but by in- Legislature as soon as they had granted a few terested individuals of the privileged classes. taxes. M. Necker plainly told the King, that On the contrary, Madame de Staël asserts he did not think that the army could be relied positively, that the popular party was then on; and that he ought to make up his mind disposed, as of old, to unite with the sovereign to 'reign hereafter under a constitution like against the pretensions of those bodies, and that of England. There were fierce disputes, that the sovereign was understood to partici- and endless consultations; and at length, pate in their sentiments. The statement cer- within three weeks after the States were tainly seems to derive no slight confirmation opened, and before the Commons had gained from the memorable words which were ut- any decided advantage, M. Necker obtained tered at the time, in a public address by the the full assent both of the King and Queen to reigning King of France, then the first of the a declaration, in which it was to be announced Princes of the blood.—-Úne grande révolution to the States, that they should sit and vote as étoit prét, dit Monsieur (aujourd'hui Louis one body in all questions of taxation, and in XVIII.) à la municipalité de Paris, en 1789; tro chambers only in all other questions. Le roi, par ses intentions, ses vertus, et son This arrangement, Madame de Staël assures rang suprême, devoit en être le chef !We us, would have satisfied the Commons at the perfectly agree with Madame de Staël —que time, and invested the throne with the great toute la sagesse de la circonstance étoit dans strength of popularity. But, after a full and ces paroles."

deliberate consent had been given by both Nothing, says Madame de Staël, can be their Majesties, the party about the Queen

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found means to put off from day to day the following important statement, which has publication of the important instrument; and never yet been made on equal authonty. a whole month was unpardonably wasted in idle discussions; during which, nearly one

" M. Necker n'ignoroit pas le vérisable objet half of the nobles and clergy had joined the pour lequel on fais un avancer les troupes, bien deputies of the Commons, and taken the name evil de réunir à Compiègne tous les membres des of the National Assembly. Their popularity trois ordres qui n'avoient point favorisé le sysleme and contidence had been dangerously in- des innovations, ei là de leur faire consentir a la haie creased, in the mean time, by their orators les impôts et les emprunis dont elle avoit besoin, and pamphleteers; and the Court had become afin de les tentoyer ensuite ! Comme un tel pruge! the object of suspicion and discontent, both by posoit de le renvoyer des que la force militaire serutt

ne pouvont être secondé par M. Necker, on se pro. the rumour of the approach of its arinies to rassemblée. Cinquante avis par jour l'informoient the capital, and by what Madame de Staël de sa situation, et il ne lui étoit pas possible d'en doucalls the accidental exclusion of the deputies ter ; mais il savoit aussi que, dans les circonstances from their ordinary place of meeting—which où l'on se trouvoit alors, il ne pouvon quines s gave occasion to the celebrated and iheatrical place sans confirmer les bruiis qui se répa: doen oath of the Tennis-court. After all, Madame cour. Le roi s'étant résolu à ces mesures, S.

sur les mesures violentes que l'on préparoit à la de Staël says, much might have been regained Necker ne voulut pas y prendre part, mais il se or saved, by issuing M. Necker's declaration. vouloit pas non plus dornier le signal de s'y opposer: But the very night before it was to be deliv- et il restoit là comme une semaine le qu'on laissent ered, the council was adjourned, in conse

encore à son posie. pour tromper les attaquens fur

la manæuvre."-Vol. i, pp. 231–333. quence of a billet from the Queen ;-two new councillors and two princes of the blood were He continued, accordingly: to go every day called to take part in the deliberations; and to the palace, where he was received uuh it was suddenly determined, that the King cold civility; and at last, when the troops should announce it as his pleasure, that the were all assembled, he received an order in Three Estates should meet and vote in their the middle of the night, commanding him ne three separate chambers, as they had done stantly to quit France, and to let no one know in 1614!

of his departure. This was on the nighi oi ibe M. Necker, full of fear and sorrow, refused 11th of July ;-and as soon as his dismissal to go to the meeting at which the King was was known, all Paris rose in insurrection-an to make this important communication. It army of 100.000 men was arrayed in a night was made, however—and received with mur- —and, on the 14th, the Bastile was demol. murs of deep displeasure; and, when the ished, and the King brought as a prisoner io Chancellor ordered the deputies to withdraw the Hotel de Ville, io express his approbation to their separate chamber, they answered, of all that had been done! M. Necker, who that they were the National Assembly, and had got as far as Brussels, was instantly rewould stay where they were! The whole called. Upwards of two millions of men took visible population seconded this resolution, up arms throughout the country-and it was with indications of a terrible and irresistible manifest that a great revolution was already violence: Perseverance, it was immediately consummated ! seen, would have led to the most dreadful There is next a ser is of lively as d mas. consequences; and the same night the Queen terly sketches of the different paries in the entreated M. Necker to take the management Constituent Assembly, and their varãous leadof the State upon himself, and solemnly en Of these, the most remarkable, by far. gaged to follow no councils but his. The was Mirabeau ; who appeared in opposition minister complied ;--- and immediately the to Necker, like the evil spirit of the Revoobnoxious order was recalled, and a royal lution contending with its better angel. mandate was issued to the Nobles and the Madame de Staël says of him, that he was Clergy, to join the deliberations of the Tiers “Tribun par calenl, et Aristocrat par god. état.

There never, perhaps, was an instance of so If these reconciling measures had been sin- much talent being accompanied and reatralcerely followed out, the country and the mon- ized by so much protligacy. Of all the archy might yet perhaps have been saved. daring spirits that appeared on that troubled But the party of the l'Itras—“qui parloit avec scene, no one, during his lite. Prer dind 10 beaucoup de dédain de l'autorité du roi d'An- encounter him; and yet, such was his want gleterre, et vouloit faire considérer comme un of principle, that no one pary, and no one attentat, la pensée de réduire un roi de France individual, trusted him with their secrets. au misérable sort du monarque Britannique His fearlessness, promptitude, and eneset, —this misguided party-hal still too much overbore all competition ; and lis ambition weight in the royal councils; and, while they seemed to be, to show how the making of the took advantage of the calm produced by M. marring of all things depended upon his rood Necker's measures and popularity, did not pleasure. Madame de Staël contims what cease secretly to hasten the march of M. de has often been said of his occasional ditfiBroglie with his German regiments upon Paris culty in extempore speaking, and of his ha-with the design, scarcely dissembled, of bitually employing his friends to write his employing them to overawe, and, if neces- speeches and letters; but, after his death, sary, to disperse the assembly: Considering she says none of them could ever produce from whom her information is derived, we for themselves any thing equal to whai they can scarcely refuse our implicit belief to the used to catch from his inspiration. In de


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