stationary. The most remarkable increase is that of New York, which has risen from 340, 120 in the year 1790, to 959,049 in the year 1810. The emigration from the Eastern to the Western States is calculated at 60,000 persons per annum. In all the American enumerations, the males uniformly predominate in the proportion of about 100 to 92. We are better off in Great Britain and Ireland,-where the women were to the men, by the census of 1811, as 110 to 100. The density of population in the United States is less than 4 persons to a square mile; that of Holland, in 1803, was 275 to the square mile; that of England and Wales, 169. So that the fifteen provinces which formed the Union in 1810, would contain, if they were as thickly peopled as Holland, 135 millions of souls.

The next head is that of Trade and Commerce.-In 1790, the Exports of. the United States were above 19 millions of dollars; in 1791, above 20 millions; in 1792, 26 millions; in 1793, 33 millions of dollars. Prior to 1795, there was no discrimination, in the American Treasury accounts, between the exportation of domestic, and the re-exportation of foreign articles. In 1795, the aggregate value of the merchandise exported was 67 millions of dollars, of which the foreign produce re-exported was 26 millions. In 1800, the total value of exports was 94 millions; in 1805, 101 millions; and in 1808, when they arrived at their maximum, 108 millions of dollars. In the year 1809, from the effects of the French and English Orders in Council, the exports fell to 52 millions of dollars; in 1810 to 66 millions; in 1811 to 61 millions. In the first year of the war with England, to 38 millions; in the second, to 27; in the year 1814, when peace was made, to 6 millions. So that the exports of the republic in 6 years, had tumbled down from 108 to 6 millions of dollars after the peace, in the years 1815-16-17, the exports rose to 52, 81, 87 millions of dollars.

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In 1817, the exportation of cotton was 85 millions pounds. In 1815, the sugar made on the banks of the Mississippi was 10 millions pounds. In 1792, when the wheat trade was at the maximum, a million and a half of bushels were exported. The proportions of the exports to Great Britain, Spain, France, Holland, and Portugal, on an average of ten years ending 1812, are as 27, 16, 13, 12, and 7; the actual value of exports to the dominions of Great Britain, in the three years ending 1804, were consecutively, in millions of dollars, 16, 17, 13.

Imports. In 1791, the imports of the United States were 19 millions; on an average of three consecutive years, ending 1804 inclusive, they were 68 millions; in 1806-7, they were 138 millions; and in 1815, 133 millions of dollars. The annual value of the imports, on an average of three years ending 1804, was 75 millions, of which the dominions of Great Britain furnished nearly one half. On an average of three years ending 1804, America imported from Great Britain to the amount of about 36 millions, and returned goods to the amount of about 23 millions. Certainly these are countries that have some better employment for their time and energy than cutting each other's throats, and may meet for more profitable purposes.-The American imports from the dominions of Great Britain, before the great American war, amounted to about 3 millions sterling; soon after the war, to the same. From 1805 to 1811, both inclusive, the average annual exportation of Great Britain to all parts of the world, in real value, was about 43 millions sterling; of which one fifth, or nearly 9 millions, was sent to America.

Tonnage and Navigation.-Before the revolutionary war, the American tonnage, whether owned by British or American subjects, was about 127,000 tons; immediately after that war, 108,000. In 1789, it had amounted to

437,733 tons, of which 279,000 was American property. In 1790, the total was 605,825, of which 354,000 was American. In 1816, the tonnage, all American, was 1,300,000. On an average of three years, from 1810 to 1812, both inclusive, the registered tonnage of the British empire was 2,459,000; or little more than double the American.

Lands. All public lands are surveyed before they are offered for sale; and divided into townships of six miles square, which are subdivided into thirtysix sections of one mile square, containing each 640 acres. The following lands are excepted from the sales.—One thirty-sixth part of the lands, or a section of 640 acres in each township, is uniformly reserved for the support of schools;-seven entire townships, containing each 23,000 acres, have been reserved in perpetuity for the support of learning :-all salt springs and lead mines are also reserved. The Mississippi, the Ohio, and all the navigable rivers and waters leading into either, or into the river St. Lawrence, remain common highways, and for ever free to all the citizens of the United States, without payment of any tax. All the other public lands, not thus excepted, are offered for public sale in quarter sections of 160 acres, at a price not less than two dollars per acre, and as much more as they will fetch by public auction. It was formerly the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to superintend the sale of lands. In 1812, an office, denominated the General LandOffice, was instituted. The public lands sold prior to the opening of the land-offices amounted to one million and a half of acres. The aggregate of the sales since the opening of the land-offices, N. W. of the river Ohio, to the end of September, 1817, amounted to 8,469,644 acres; and the purchasemoney to 18,000,000 dollars. The lands sold since the opening of the landoffices in the Mississippi territory, amount to 1,600,000 acres. The stock of unsold land on hand is calculated at 400,000,000 acres. In the year 1817 there were sold above two millions of acres.

Post-Office.-In 1789, the number of post-offices in the United States was seventy-five; the amount of postage 38,000 dollars; the miles of post-road 1,800. In 1817, the number of post-offices was 3,459; the amount of postage 961,000 dollars; and the extent of post-roads 51,600.

Revenue.-The revenues of the United States are derived from the customs; from duties on distilled spirits, carriages, snuff, refined sugar, auctions, stamped paper, goods, wares, and merchandise manufactured within the United States, household furniture, gold and silver watches, and postage of letters; from moneys arising from the sale of public lands, and from fees on letters-patent. The following are the duties paid at the custom-house for some of the principal articles of importation :-71⁄2 per cent. on dyeing drugs, jewellery, and watchwork; 15 per cent. on hempen cloth, and on all articles manufactured from iron, tin, brass, and lead—on buttons, buckles, china, earthenware, and glass, except window glass; 25 per cent. on cotton and woollen goods, and cotton twist; 30 per cent. on carriages, leather, and leather manufactures, &c.

The average annual produce of the customs, between 1801 and 1810, both inclusive, was about twelve millions of dollars. In the year 1814, the customs amounted only to four millions; and, in the year 1815, the first year after the war, rose to thirty-seven millions. From 1719 to 1814, the customs have constituted 65 per cent. of the American revenues; loans 26 per cent.; and all other branches 8 to 9 per cent. They collect their customs at about 4 per cent.;-the English expense of collection is £6 2s. 6d. per cent.

The duty upon spirits is extremely trifling to the consumer-not a penny per gallon. The number of distilleries is about 15,000. The licences produce a very inconsiderable sum. The tax laid upon carriages in 1814 varied from fifty dollars to one dollar, according to the value of the machine. In the year

1801 there were more than fifteen thousand carriages of different descriptions paying duty. The furniture tax seems to have been a very singular species of tax, laid on during the last war. It was an ad valorem duty upon all the furniture in any man's possession, the value of which exceeded 600 dollars. Furniture cannot be estimated without domiciliary visits,—nor domiciliary visits allowed without tyranny and vexation. An information laid against a new arm-chair or a clandestine side-board-a search-warrant, and a conviction consequent upon it—have much more the appearance of English than American liberty. The licence for a watch, too, is purely English. A truly free Englishman walks out covered with licences. It is impossible to convict him. He has paid a guinea for his powdered head; a guinea for the coat of arms upon his seals; a three-guinea licence for the gun he carries upon his shoulder to shoot game; and is so fortified with permits and official sanctions that the most eagle-eyed informer cannot obtain the most_trifling advantage over him. America has borrowed, between 1791 and 1815, one hundred and seven millions of dollars, of which forty-nine millions were borrowed in 1813 and 1814. The internal revenue in the year 1815 amounted to eight millions of dollars; the gross revenue of the same year, including the loan, to fifty-one millions of dollars.

Army.-During the late war with Great Britain, Congress authorised the raising of 62,000 men for the armies of the United States, though the actual number raised never amounted to half that force. In February, 1815, the army of the United States did not amount to more than 32,000 men; in January, 1814, to 23,000.* The recruiting service, as may be easily conceived, where the wages of labour are so high, goes on very slowly in America. The military peace establishment was fixed in 1815 at 10,000 men. The Americans are fortunately exempt from the insanity of garrisoning little rocks and islands all over the world; nor would they lavish millions upon the ignoble end of the Spanish peninsula-the most useless and extravagant possession with which any European power was ever afflicted. In 1812, any recruit honourably discharged from the service was allowed three months' pay and 160 acres of land. In 1814, every non-commissioned officer, musician, and private, who enlisted, and was afterwards honourably discharged, was allowed, upon such discharge, 320 acres. The enlistment was for five years, or during the war. The widow, child, or parent of any person enlisted, who was killed or died in the service of the United States, was entitled to receive the same bounty in land.

Every free white male between eighteen and forty-five is liable to be called out in the militia, which is stated, in official papers, to amount to 748,000 persons.

Navy.-On the 8th of June, 1781, the Americans had only one vessel of war, the Alliance; and that was thought to be too expensive,—it was sold! The attacks of the Barbary powers first roused them to form a navy; which, in 1797, amounted to three frigates. In 1814, besides a great increase of frigates, four seventy-fours were ordered to be built. In 1816, in consequence of some brilliant actions of their frigates, the naval service had become very popular throughout the United States. One million of dollars were appropriated annually, for eight years, to the gradual increase of the navy. Nine seventy-fours+ and twelve forty-four gun ships were ordered to be built. Vacant and unappropriated lands belonging to the United States, fit to produce oak and cedar, were to be selected for the use of the navy. The peace

• Peace with Great Britain was signed in December, 1814, at Ghent.

+ The American seventy-four gun ships are as big as our first-rates, and their frigates nearly as big as ships of the line.

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establishment of the marine corps was increased, and six navy yards were established. We were surprised to find Dr. Seybert complaining of a want of ship timber in America. Many persons (he says) believe that our stock of live oak is very considerable; but upon good authority we have been told, in 1801, that supplies of live oak from Georgia will be obtained with great difficulty, and that the larger pieces are very scarce.' In treating of naval affairs, Dr. Seybert, with a very different purpose in view, pays the following involuntary tribute to the activity and effect of our late naval warfare against the Americans. "For a long time the majority of the people of the United States was opposed to an extensive and permanent Naval establishment: and the force authorised by the Legislature, until very lately, was intended for temporary purposes. A navy was considered to be beyond the financial means of our country; and it was supposed the people would not submit to be taxed for its support. Our brilliant success in the late war has changed the public sentiment on this subject: many persons who formerly opposed the navy, now consider it as an essential means of our defence. The late transactions on the borders of the Chesapeak Bay cannot be forgotten; the extent of that immense estuary enabled the enemy to sail triumphant into the interior of the United States. For hundreds of miles along the shores of that great bay our people were insulted; our towns were ravaged and destroyed; a considerable population was teased and irritated; depredations were hourly committed by an enemy who could penetrate into the bosom of the country, without our being able to molest him whilst he kept on the water. By the time a sufficient force was collected to check his operations in one situation, his ships had already transported him to another, which was feeble, and offered a booty to him. An army could make no resistance to this mode of warfare; the people were annoyed; and they suffered in the field only to be satisfied of their inability to check those who had the dominion upon our waters. The inhabitants who were in the immediate vicinity were not alone affected by the enemy; his operations extended their influence to our great towns on the Atlantic coast; domestic intercourse and internal commerce were interrupted, whilst that with foreign nations was, in some instances, entirely suspended. The Treasury documents for 1814 exhibit the phenomenon of the State of Pennsylvania not being returned in the list of the exporting States. We were not only deprived of revenue, but our expenditures were very much augmented. It is probable the amount of the expenditures incurred on the borders of the Chesapeak would have been adequate to provide naval means for the defence of those waters; the people might then have remained at home, secure from depredation, in the pursuit of their tranquil occupations. The expenses of the Government, as well as of individuals, were very much augmented for every species of transportation. Everything had to be conveyed by land carriage. Our communication with the ocean was cut off. One thousand dollars were paid for the transportation of each of the thirty-two pounder cannon from Washington city to Lake Ontario, for the public service. Our roads became almost impassable from the heavy loads which were carried over them. These facts should induce us, in times of tranquillity, to provide for the national defence, and execute such internal improvements as cannot be effected during the agitations of war."-(P. 679.)

Expenditure.-The President of the United States receives about £6,000 a year; the Vice-President about £600; the deputies to Congress have 8 dollars per day, and 8 dollars for every 20 miles of journey. The First Clerk of the house of Representatives receives about £750 per annum; the Secretary of State, 1200; the Postmaster-General, £750; the Chief Justice of the United States, £1000; a Minister Plenipotentiary, £2200 per annum. There are, doubtless, reasons why there should be two noblemen appointed in this country as Postmasters-General, with enormous salaries, neither of whom know a twopenny post letter from a general one, and where further retrenchments are stated to be impossible. This is clearly a case to which that impossibility extends. But these are matters where a prostration of understanding is called for; and good subjects are not to reason, but to pay. If, however, we were to indulge in the Saxon practice of looking into our own affairs, some impor tant documents might be derived from these American salaries. Jonathan, for instance, sees no reason why the first clerk of his House of Commons should derive emoluments from his situation to the amount of £6000 or £7000 per annum. But Jonathan is vulgar and arithmetical. The total expenditure of the United States varied, between 1799 and 1811, both inclusive, from II to 17 millions dollars. From 1812 to 1814, both inclusive, and all these years

of war with this country, the expenditure was consecutively 22, 29, and 38 millions dollars. The total expenditure of the United States, for fourteen years from 1791 to 1814, was 333 millions dollars; of which, in the three last years of war with this country, from 1812 to 1814, there were expended 100 millions of dollars, of which only 35 were supplied by revenue, the rest by loans and Government paper. The sum total received by the American Treasury from the 3rd of March, 1789, to the 31st of March, 1816, is 354 millions dollars; of which 107 millions have been raised by loan, and 222 millions by the customs and tonnage; so that, exclusive of the revenue derived from loans, 222 parts out of 247 of the American revenue have been derived from foreign commerce. In the mind of any sensible American, this consideration ought to prevail over the few splendid actions of their half-dozen frigates, which must, in a continued war, have been, with all their bravery and activity, swept from the face of the ocean by the superior force and equal bravery of the English. It would be the height of madness in America to run into another naval war with this country if it could be averted by any other means than a sacrifice of proper dignity and character. They have, comparatively, no land revenue; and, in spite of the Franklin and Guerrière, though lined with cedar and mounted with brass cannon, they must soon be reduced to the same state which has been described by Dr. Seybert, and from which they were so opportunely extricated by the treaty of Ghent. David Porter and Stephen Decatur are very brave men; but they will prove an unspeakable misfortune to their country, if they inflame Jonathan into a love of naval glory, and inspire him with any other love of war than that which is founded upon a determination not to submit to serious insult and injury.

We can inform Jonathan what are the inevitable consequences of being too fond of glory;-taxes upon every article which enters into the mouth, or covers the back, or is placed under the foot-taxes upon everything which it is pleasant to see, hear, feel, smell, or taste-taxes upon warmth, light, and locomotion-taxes on everything on earth, and the waters under the earth-on everything that comes from abroad, or is grown at home-taxes on the raw material-taxes on every fresh value that is added to it by the industry of man -taxes on the sauce which pampers man's appetite, and the drug that restores him to health-on the ermine which decorates the judge, and the rope which hangs the criminal-on the poor man's salt and the rich man's spice-on the brass nails of the coffin and the ribands of the bride-at bed or board, couchant or levant, we must pay.-The school-boy whips his taxed top-the beardless youth manages his taxed horse, with a taxed bridle, on a taxed road :—and the dying Englishman, pouring his medicine, which has paid 7 per cent., into a spoon that has paid 15 per cent.—flings himself back upon his chintz bed, which has paid 22 per cent.—and expires in the arms of an apothecary who has paid a licence of a hundred pounds for the privilege of putting him to death. His whole property is then immediately taxed from 2 to 10 per cent. Besides the probate, large fees are demanded for burying him in the chancel ; his virtues are handed down to posterity on taxed marble; and he is then gathered to his fathers-to be taxed no more. In addition to all this, the habit of dealing with large sums will make the Government avaricious and profuse; and the system itself will infallibly generate the base vermin of spies and informers, and a still more pestilent race of political tools and retainers of the meanest and most odious description ;-while the prodigious patronage which the collecting of this splendid revenue will throw into the hands of Government, will invest it with so vast an influence, and hold out such means and temptations to corruption, as all the virtue and public spirit, even of republicans, will be unable to resist.