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CHAP.

I.

1660.

66

"whom he hath received late letters that command
"all return) positively of opinion that neither
"would be allowed those capacities. A strange
"distinction indeed he made, that they should
"never inquire into the person of the Lord Trea-
surer, or any other officer, relating to the King's
66 person, or his
power, nor to any ministerial officer;
"but of the judicial, the general sense of the coun-
"cil and all the grave men, was to present such to
"the King as they thought agreeable to the place;
"and for the Chancellorship, if His Majesty pleased
"to confer it on Sir Orlando Bridgman, or Mr.
Geoffery Palmer, they should be all abundantly
"satisfied." This "strange distinction," as
Broderick calls it, was not necessarily dictated by
hostility to Hyde. It was urged as belonging to
an important question which still engages the at-
tention of reflecting men-whether the ministerial
and judicial functions should remain united in the
Lord Chancellor; or whether the highest judge
in equity, should, like our other judges, be di-
vested of his political character, and cease to be
dependent for his tenure of office on the pleasure
of the Crown.

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All attempts to exclude Hyde from office were unsuccessful. His claims had been well supported, previously to the King's arrival, by Lord Southampton: and Charles's sense of his past services, and of the immediate importance of his eminent abilities, was a support still more effectual. He was confirmed in the possession of the Seals;

* Clar. State Papers, iii. 748.

I.

and retained the office of Chancellor of the Ex- CHAP. chequer, pro tempore, till the King could decide on whom it should be conferred.

1660.

Ministry.

From this time the Lord Chancellor was virtually the head of the Administration. On him the greatest weight of business fell; and by him all the more important measures of Government were, to a great extent, directed and controlled. He was fortunate in having among his colleagues Composisome with whom he had been long in habits of tion of the confidential communication, and for whom he felt a sincere regard. Such was Ormond, appointed Lord Steward of the Household; Nicholas, principal Secretary of State; and Lord Southampton, who was made Lord High Treasurer in September, 1660.* The other principal offices were filled as follows: the Duke of York was Lord High Admiral; Monk, created Duke of Albemarle, was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Commander-in-Chief of all forces in the three kingdoms, a Gentleman of the Bedchamber, and Master of the Horse; the Earl of Manchester was made Lord Chamberlain ; the Privy Seal was given to Lord Say, who was soon succeeded by Lord Robartes; Sir William Morrice was one of the principal Secretaries of State. The office of Chancellor of the Exchequer was, about the same time that Lord Southampton was appointed Treasurer, resigned by Hyde, and

* From the Restoration till the appointment of Lord Southampton the Treasury was administered by a commission, of which Southampton, Hyde, Monk, Robartes, Colepepper, Montague, Morrice, and Nicholas were members.

I.

1660.

CHAP. placed in the hands of Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper: Palmer and Finch were made Attorney and Solicitor-General; Lord Seymour was Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; Sir Frederick Cornwallis Treasurer of the Household; and Sir John Berkeley, Comptroller. Thus were the foregoing offices filled immediately after the Restoration; but several changes subsequently occurred during the administration of the Lord Chancellor.

The Privy
Council.

The Privy Council comprised, in addition to the King's two brothers, and the principal ministers and officers of state, all who had been members of the Privy Council of Charles I., before the war. Among these were many faithful royalists: but there were also some who had espoused the cause of the Parliament. The number which the Council comprised, and the heterogeneous character of its components, rendered it an unsafe and inefficient instrument for the direction of public affairs. In order to obviate this difficulty, at the suggestion of the Chancellor, a committee was appointed ostensibly for the consideration of foreign affairs, but which was in reality a cabinet council, wherein might be discussed every question, whether of foreign or internal policy, before it was submitted to the whole board.* This committee consisted originally of the Chancellor, Ormond, Southampton, Monk, Nicholas, and Morrice.t

This committee, as it appears from a few rough notes of its proceedings, in the hand-writing of Nicholas, in the State Paper Office, commenced its sittings in June, soon after the Restoration.

+ Life of Clarendon, i. 370.

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I.

1660.

The King also "appointed the Chancellor, and CHAP. some others, to have frequent consultations with "such members of the Parliament who were most "able and willing to serve him; and to concert all "the ways and means by which the transactions in "the Houses might be carried with the more expedition, and attended with the best success."* The "others" alluded to, have not been named; but among them were probably those who composed the Committee for Foreign Affairs. In this committee, the influence of the Chancellor predominated, for, of his five colleagues, three were his old and intimate friends, whose opinions for the most part coincided with his own. Monk, it is true, disliked him; and Morrice was the friend of Monk but these two could effect little against a majority of voices, aided by greater ability and experience, and the well-earned favour of the King. Ormond had, as we are told by Clarendon, "more Character of Hyde's "credit and esteem with the King than any other colleagues. "mant," and he declares, that even his own favour was increased by Ormond's acknowledged friendship. Ormond deserved the King's regard by his sufferings, his fidelity, his enterprising and chivalrous spirit. He was moreover, as Burnet states, "a man every way fitted for a Court; of a graceful appearance, a lively wit, and a cheerful temper." His abilities were good, cendent. He was an agreeable

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*Life of Clarendon, i. 362.

but not trans

speaker, but

+ Ibid. i. 319.

Burnet, i. 161.

I.

CHAP. appears to have owed the consideration he enjoyed, rather to his engaging qualities, than to any deference which his judgment and talents could inspire.

1660.

Southampton was a man of high principle, good abilities, and sound judgment; respected by the King, but not liked; and, partly through consciousness of want of favour, partly from declining health, a less active participator in the business of government than his talents entitled him to be. Nicholas was a man of unimpeachable integrity, industrious, experienced, unpretending, and unambitious; not quick, but judicious; not favoured by the King, but devoted to the Chancellor, concurring with him cordially in business, and willing to act by his advice.

Morrice, who owed his advancement to Monk, was a learned rather than an able man. Burnet accuses him of pedantry and affectation. Clarendon that he "behaved himself very honestly " and diligently in the King's service, and had a good reputation in the House of Commons."*

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says,

In commencing a view of the career of Hyde, as virtual head of an administration, and following his eventful progress in the exercise of authority, it must be borne in mind that we cannot fairly estimate his conduct, and justly apply our praise and censure, without considering the corrupting influences to which he was exposed. In morals and politics, as in mechanics, the disturbing

* Life of Clarendon, ii. 224.

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