issued deserved censure upon other literary productions of the same kind. Can they have forgotten their own declarations, on the subject of the accusations brought by Sir Robert Wilson, against the head of the French government, and their remarks on Acerbi's Sweden? The very extensive circulation of their journal, which is read in every country, without excepting Russia, would enable them to exert a salutary influence, in correcting the prejudices which separate nations, and which foment reciprocal animosities. The present circumstances of Europe would render such an application of their talents peculiarly meritorious,-for never did national antipathies manifest themselves with more virulence; never was the voice of conciliation more necessary. But deaf to these considerations, the Edinburgh Reviewers have taken pains to render the Russians odious and despicable in the eyes of Englishmen, for the purpose of maintaining the proposition, that it is not Russia but Austria, that ought to be made the point of support, in Great Britain's political arrangements on the continent of Europe. However plausible this opinion of theirs may be, it can in no manner justify them, for giving weight to the calumnies of a libeller, such as Dr. Clarke. Less alarmed by these literary thunderbolts, than surprised that they should be launched, from what we have been accustomed to regard, as the sanctuary of liberal principles, we lament the fatality, by which party-spirit exercises such sway over the most enlightened minds.-Their example confirms the maxim, that to repose blindly on the judgment of others is at all times dangerous, and that great reputations are often least to be depended upon.

121

A Sketch of the Military System of France, comprising some observations on the character, and designs of the French government; to which is added, an inquiry into the probable duration of the French power. pp. 102. Baltimore, 1812.

THE title alone of this pamphlet is fitted to awaken the curiosity of persons, who take even a much less lively interest than ourselves, in the important topics of which it professes to treat. Our attention was drawn to it, however, not merely by the complexion of the subject matter, but by some few extracts from the body of the work, which were inserted, with an appropriate eulogium, in a Baltimore gazette, some days before its publication. These were of a nature to prepossess the lovers of good writing very strongly in favour of the author, and to excite in our minds, expectations by no means usual in relation to American literature, of the same, or any other purport. We cannot say that we were feasted to the full extent of our hopes, when the pamphlet itself came into our hands, but we may remark with truth, that we were on the whole, edified, and grateful for the repast with which we were furnished.

One of the principal reasons, why we have not hitherto noticed, the productions of this sort, which have occasionally issued from the American press, since the commencement of our critical labours, is, we must honestly confess, the extreme difficulty, if not impossibility, under which we have laboured, of reconciling the only language we could wish to hold, that of commendation,-with the dictates of our judgment, and the duty we owe to the public.-We do not pretend to assert that this has always been the case, or that we may not have erred in a few instances; but we have not often found, particularly in the style of our political pamphlets, that stamp of excellence, which, conformably to our code of official morality, alone justifies us in appearing as panegyrists.-The present pamphlet is, we think, in several respects, above the common order, and deserves to be recommended to public attention, not solely as a repository of many ideas equally just and instructive, but as a specimen, with exceptions indeed, of vigorous, and elegant diction.

When we meet with productions of real merit, we shall never be wanting in the disposition to exhibit them to the best advantage, nor hesitate to encourage their authors, as far VOL. III.

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as our approbation can be of avail, to persevere in exertions, from which both profit and honour are likely to redound to their country. It is well known, to us, as it is to all who have an extensive acquaintance with the state of American intellect, that if our press is not now prolific of able disquisitions in moral science generally, and especially in politics, the circumstance is not owing to incapacity, but to a want of liberal leisure, or more frequently, to a certain inertness and selfdistrust in numbers, who are otherwise qualified to render essential service to the cause of letters. At this solemn crisis, individuals of this class, are bound by every consideration of patriotism, and of duty, both social and domestic, to repel the suggestions of indolence or self-love, and to make some sacrifices of ease, or incur some slight hazard of reputation, in attempts always laudable, to enlighten the judgment and to improve the taste of their fellow-citizens.We rejoice, therefore, particularly, at the present instance of successful emancipation from the thraldom of apathy and false shame, and cordially thank the writer of this pamphlet for the salutary example he has set; an example which if it were followed even by a small portion of those, who are worthy of treading in his footsteps, would soon prove to the world, in spite of the doctrines maintained in a certain description of our gazettes, and of the "cataracts of declamation" poured forth in our deliberative assemblies, that we are far from being universally the idolaters of French despotism, or even generally, what might be inferred from our legislative proceedings,

-too weak to bear

The insupportable fatigue of thought.

While, however, we proffer such testimony as the foregoing, to the merits of the author of "the Sketch," we do not wish to be understood as concurring in all his doctrines. The leading proposition of his work,-that the French power is destined to be short-lived,-still appears to us extremely questionable; nor do we think the arguments, which he has adduced in its support, by any means conclusive. It is not because we have heretofore maintained the reverse of his opinions, that we are now disposed to combat them; but because we are not yet convinced, and because we consider any hypothesis on this subject, however flattering to the hopes of the good, and mortifying to those of the bad, which is not founded upon clear analogy and fair conjecture, as likely to do more mischief, than can result from the anticipation of the most probable issue, be that as disastrous as it may.-We will

be credited by our readers when we assert, that we would most joyfully and promptly retract, what we have elsewhere urged concerning the duration of the French power, if we could but be made sensible of the illusion, by which, it is not at all impossible, that our judgments may be hood-winked.No mathematician could experience more delight, in achieving himself the quadrature of the circle, or discovering the longitude, than we should, in recognizing from any quarter whatever, the demonstrated presumption, that the dark and baleful cloud so long incumbent upon the continent of Europe, is to be dissipated, even within the long and EVENTFUL term of ten or twenty years allowed by our author.

Without meaning to speak profanely, or rhetorically, but rather in the warmth of our zeal for the interests of religion, both natural and revealed, and in the sincerity of our deliberate affection for those of freedom and science, we will venture to add, that we look to the event of the overthrow of French despotism, as to a second redemption for mankind;— as to the "renovation of a faded world";-as,-when compared with the reverse,-to the commencement of an era, like the millenium of the Apocalypse.-There is something in this idea that kindles all our enthusiasm;-something which, if it were as just as it is exhilirating, would almost reconcile us to the "every day's report of wrong and outrage," of which we may truly say with the that poet, our soul is sick and our ear is pained."-But the present is not a season for the indulgence of extravagant hopes, and it behoves the provident politician, to weigh well all the probabilities of the case; to contemplate the question under every phasis.—From the performance of this essential duty, he will not certainly permit himself to be deterred, by the fear of plunging timid minds into abject despair, or by the arrogant and absurd imputations which have been, from time to time, thrown out against those, who venture to exercise their reason dispassionately on this subject.

The object of our author in the first part of his pamphlet, is to exhibit an outline of the origin, genius and effects of the military system of France, and to show from her adherence to this system, as well as from her political history, that she aspires to universal dominion.-In his second section, he undertakes to prove, that the structure of her power, however vast, is even now tottering, and must, in the space of a few years, be totally dismantled. Before we proceed to notice the reasonings upon which he founds this conjecture, we shall follow him

in some of his preliminary details, and lay before our readers a few samples of his manner.-We would object in the outset, to the mistaken or feigned modesty of the writer, in styling himself" a mere tyro in letters," when the tone of his work bears evidence to the contrary.-We give him credit for habits of liberal research, and for very respectable acquirements in literature, although we are inclined to think, from the tenor of several of his observations, that his reading is not extensive on the subjects, which he undertakes to investigate. He seems, for instance, to think, that an inquiry into the sudden and portentous increase of the power of France, would be something novel at this time, whereas the subject has been thoroughly discussed by a multitude of able hands, and may be found in its fullest extent, in the writings of Mr. Burke, of Gentz, of Fisher Ames, and of the Edinburgh and Quarterly Reviewers. The question too, of the probable duration of that power, has been often agitated; with the view indeed, in almost all cases, of supporting the conclusions which our author himself has adopted.

After some introductory observations of a general nature, he proceeds to give a well written account of the military condition of Europe, in the middle ages, and of the rise, progress, and influence of standing armies.As preliminary also to an exposition of the present French system of compulsory levies, he traces, with great spirit and force, a succinct history, of the progress both political and military, of the French revolution.

We must remark here, that there is some inconsistency between the faithful picture which he draws of the condition of Europe, under the feudal system, and the effects he ascribes to the introduction of standing armies.-"The feudal governments," it is said, "were essentially oligarchies of the very worst description; the authority of the prince and the laws were openly set at defiance; the people were oppressed by exactions of every sort; the state was torn in pieces by intestine commotions," and yet to "standing armies we are to refer the rapid growth of arbitrary power in Europe; the enormous increase of taxation; to them it is owing that Europe has been converted into an immense intrenched camp, in which nothing is heard but the din of arms; in which nothing is seen but blood, slaughter, and confusion."*-Surely a person so well versed in the history of Europe as we presume our

* We suspect that our author has framed this passage from the 17th C. B. 13, of the Spirit of Laws. Montesquieu, however, inveighs only against the enormous abuse of the system.