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which they, and they only, had been entrusted. We must continue this singular narrative.

'About ten o'clock, almost all the deputies present in Paris met at M. Laffitte's; some peers also joined them, amongst whom was the Duke de Broglie, who spoke at length upon the popular exasperation, and the danger of a republic. These dangers, purposely exaggerated by M. Dupin, produced a pretty general anxiety, of which M. Laffitte skilfully took advantage, to propose the election of the Duke of Orleans, as the only means of arresting the torrent, and fixing all uncertainties. This opinion, now officially expressed for the first time, produced some astonishment, and provoked some contradiction; but M. Dupin supported it with so much eloquence and energy, that it became immediately evident, that a measure, which it was affected merely to offer for deliberation, was no other than a project already agreed upon between the Prince, and a party headed by M. Laffitte. Numerous deputies were, however, still undecided, and the discussion became more animat. ed; when the adroit champion of the house of Orleans observed with solemnity, that the place for the deputies of France, re-constructing the government of a great empire, was the Palais Bourbon, and not the cabinet of a private individual. This recommendation prevailed, and it was determined that in two hours the deputies should assemble in the Hall of Sitting of the Chamber. The Orleanists made good use of this interval, in re-doubling their persuasions and seductions. 'Nevertheless, at the opening of this memorable sitting, opinions appeared more than ever divided: all systems, the republican excepted, here found partizans; by turns the Duke of Orleans, the Duke of Bordeaux, the Duke of Angoulême, were named; and even Charles X, who, incredible fact! united the evident majority of voices. It was at this decisive moment, that M. Sebastiani was heard to exclaim on the subject of the tri-colored flag, displayed on the Hotel-de-Ville, that "The white flag is now the only national standard!" It was also at this moment that M. de Sussy, repulsed from the Hotel-de-Ville, came to present to the Chamber the recall of the ordinances, and the formation of a new ministry; insisting, but in vain, as may be imagined, that M. Laffitte should transmit these nominations to the parties for whom they were destined.

The principal object of the meeting, was to determine upon the declaration which was to call the Duke of Orleans to the lieutenancy of the kingdom. A committee had been directed to present a report to the Chamber on this important measure and some members of the Chamber of Peers had joined themselves to it; the Duke de Broglie was one of these. A warm discussion arose in the mixed committee, upon the principle on which the throne should be declared vacant ; the peers, and some deputies insisting on the absolute necessity of taking for its exclusive basis, the abdication of Charles X. and the Duke of Angoulême.

Meanwhile, great agitation was manifested, both within and without the palace of the legislature. New and secret machinations were spoken of, for adjourning the decision of the Chamber: it was afbrmed that a considerable personage, recently elevated by Charles X. to the presidency of the Council of Ministers, had been met on the road to St. Cloud; and, in fact, this report had been confirmed at the Hotel-de-Ville, by several patriots, upon whose depositions, an order of arrest had been issued against M. Casimir Périer Whatever may be the truth of this matter, the uneasiness was general, when the President of the Chamber, M. Laffitte, informed of what was passing in the committee, and yielding to the impatience exhibited on all sides, sent a secretary to invite the committee to an immediate return to the Chamber, and to admonish it that if it hesitated longer, the deputies would deliberate without hearing its report, This bold and daring meas ure put an end to the representation of the legitimatists, and to the uncertainty of the fearful. The proclamation was drawn up, such as it appeared in the Moniteur of the following day.

'M. de Mortemart, to whom a rendezvous had been given at the Chamber, did not appear there. The parliamentary mind, however, was still so much inclined to Carlism, that it is reasonable to believe, that the presence of this diplomatist might yet have persuaded the majority into a determination, by which either the Chamber or the revolution would have been irrecoverably lost. But, however this might have been, the address of the deputies, calling the Duke of Orleans to

the office of Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom was signed, and the victory remained with this prince.

A commission was charged to present this message to the Duke of Orleans, which repaired to the Palais Royal about eight in the evening; the prince was still at Neuilly. The commission wrote to him, to inform him of the nature of its mission, and to transmit the debate which had just taken place in the deputies. His Royal Highness hastened his return to Paris, where he arrived on foot, at eleven o'clock, accompanied by Colonel Berthoix, now aid-de-camp to his Majesty. At eight o'clock the following morning, the members of the deputation, composed of M. M. Gallot, Bérard, Sebastiani, Benjamin Delessert, Duchaffau, and Mathieu Dumas, were informed that the prince was ready to receive them; and at nine o'clock they were admitted to his presence.

'I call the attention of my readers to all the circumstances of this interview, because they are of unexceptionable authenticity, and of a nature to throw a strong light on some ulterior events.

M. Bérard spoke first, and developed at much length the motives of general interest, as respected the nation; and of private interest, as regarded the prince himself; which, according to the orator, imposed on the Duke of Orleans the necessity of acquiescing in the proposal of the deputies, by accepting the reins of government, under the provisional title of Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom.

M. Sebastiani was the first to maintain the contrary opinion, and contended, upon arguments drawn from the respect due to legitimacy, from the precarious situation of affairs, and from the possibility of the return of the royal family, that the Duke of Orleans should unhesitatingly decline the offer that had been made to him. M. Benjamin Delessert, adopting the opinion of M. Bérard, whose arguments he repeated more earnestly and pressingly, conjured the prince to save France from the anarchy and civil war which threatened her, and his own house from the impending ruin, of which his refusal would infallibly be the signal. M. Delessert never before spoke so convincingly, so persuasively.

Undecided, and manifestly, under the alternate tyranny of hope and fear, the Duke of Orleans dwelt tediously on his family ties with Charles X., and concluded by declaring that he could come to no resolution without consulting a person who was then absent, and his Royal Highness retired to his cabinet, where M. Dupin was already waiting, and where M. Sebastiani was shortly summoned. Who was this eminently sagacious personage, to whose wisdom the destinies of France were subordinate? It was M. de Talleyrand. In fact, M. Sebastiani secretly repaired to the house of the ex-great-chamberlain of Charles X., now become, as the reader perceives, sovereign arbiter of the revolution of July. Here he also found a brave admiral, whose royalist sentiments were beyond doubt, but whose heart bled for the calamities of his country. M. Sebastiani placed the declaration of the deputies in the hands of M. de Talleyrand, who replied: "Well, it must be accepted." These facts, I repeat, are strictly accurate.

Now, let these transactions be compared with the primary motive which determined the subsequent retreat of M. Laffitte, and we shall, perhaps, find a key to many circumstances over which a fearful mystery yet hovers. Be this as it may, after an interval of three-quarters of an hour, the Duke of Orleans, accompanied by M. M. Sebastiani and Dupin, rejoined the committee, and declared that he accepted the oflice of Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom.'

Had Lafayette been a younger man, and a man of more decision, he might have in the mean time easily settled the question by proclaiming a republic, which was loudly demanded by the crowds assembled at the Hotel de Ville-a republic upon the American plan, with Lafayette for its first President. Some even talked of making him king; but his ambition did not at all tend that way; and it must be admitted that, in all the great movements in which he has taken a part, no man could have shown himself more indifferent to personal aggrandizement than Lafayette. True to his old and firm attachments to the rights of the

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people, he was desirous only that a provisional government should be formed, until the people should have an opportunity, in their primary assemblies, of determining upon the kind of government which they might wish to adopt, it being by him, however, understood as a condition, that it was to include a monarchy more or less restricted. But even upon this point he soon gave way, with his characteristic indecision, and acceded to the resolution of the deputies which offered the crown to the Duke of Orleans. Up to the last moment, Lafayette also received propositions for placing the Duke of Bordeaux on the throne, the regency having been offered to himself. As to the intrigue in favor of young Napoleon, Lafayette certainly never favored it. His letter to Joseph Buonaparte on that subject, which will be found in the first volume, sufficiently proves his indifference to the views of the Napoleon family; the recent death of the unfortunate young prince himself takes away all the interest that might have otherwise attached to the correspondence which took place upon this subject. It is of importance to have, from a by-stander, so well-informed on all points as M. Sarrans, the very words that passed on the occasion of the Lieutenant-General's installation, between His Royal Highness and Lafayette.

""You know," said he, to the Duke of Orleans, "that I am a republican, and that I consider the constitution of the United States as the most perfect system that has ever existed."

"I think so too," replied the Duke of Orleans; "it is impossible to have lived two years in America without being of that opinion; but do you think, in the situation in which France stands, and in the present state of public opinion, we can venture to adopt it here."

""No," replied Lafayette, "what the French people want at the present juncture, is a popular throne, surrounded by republican institutions."

"That is just what I think," replied the Prince.

All that passed in this interview between the Prince and Lafayette, indicated the same republican sentiments on the part of his royal highness, whose liberal professions went even beyond the expectations of the general.'

Upon the influence which the revolution in France exercised instanter throughout all Europe, M. Sarrans is enthusiastic. He does not exaggerate it much, for undoubtedly though sudden, it struck deep into the heart of the civilized world, in both hemispheres. While considering the commanding attitude which the revolution gave in the first instance to France, M. Sarrans enters into the discussion of an important question; namely, whether after the establishment of the republican throne, there was any longer a European public law-in other words, whether it was incumbent upon the new French government to look upon itself as not bound by any treaties which had been entered into by preceding governments. It surprises us, rather, to find such a question as this gravely stated by M. Sarrans; for, there is no principle better established in international law, than that, whatever kind of government it may be, which rises out of the furnace of a revolution, it immediately succeeds to all the duties and obligations of its predecessor, as far as foreign states are concerned. It is pretty clear, therefore, that M. Sarrans is a member of the party which was desirous of seeing the boundaries of the empire restored with the tri-colored flag, and of prop

agating the revolution abroad by fire and sword. He prudently abstains, however, from saying what he thinks France ought to have then done: but his sentiments may be easily gathered from the animadversions he has passed on what it has done.

Lafayette soon perceived Louis Philippe's tendency to retrograde from the popular principles of the revolution, and with his usual frankness said to him one day, 'I know only one man who can now bring France to a republic; and you are that man. Continue to disavow the principle of your origin, and I will answer for it, that the republic, or I may, perhaps, say the demagogic system, can desire no better auxiliary than your majesty.' Wait,' replied the king, until a certain time, and you will see.' Wait till that time!' resumed Lafayette, but are you sure that you will reign till then? For my part, I doubt it.' The reader will not be surprised to learn, after this, that the whole of the Doctrainaire and legitimate interest was united for the purpose of removing Lafayette altogether from public affairs.

The conflict that must again attempt, at least, to put an end to the present disquietude of France, cannot be far off. Every hour, we may say, seems to add a fresh cloud to the portentous darkness that has been for some years, indeed, ever since the Congress of Vienna and the establishment of the Holy Alliance, gradually but progressively, spreading itself over the whole political horizon of Europe. Nothing that has been done since that period, has been able to assume, even for a season, the character of stability. Everything that was meant to be unchangeable has soon become changed by circun.stances, which no one state, nor any confederation of states, seems capable of controlling. The storm that has been so long gathering, must break at last; the two principles of democratic equality and aristocratic monarchy must soon appear in presence of each other, face to face, and fight, not only for present victory and preponderance, but for the annihilation of the antagonist.

TO RICHMOND.*

'Britannia rules the waves.'-THOMSON.

'By the bye, Twaddel,' said Jones to me, in one of the fine days of June, you and I and our set have had all sorts of parties but a water-party-what say you to one?'-I hemmed and ha-ed a bit, and replied, I have no disinclination to such a trip, certainly; but can any of our friends pull an oar,-or even handle a skull? I can't,' said Jones candidly, 'nor, I believe, can Wilson, nor Smith, nor Tomlins; but what of that? we can learn, I presume? Rowing is easy enough.'' Except when it is hard,' said I. Jones smiled and went

* See the direction post at Kew Green.

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on. Tchew! what can be easier?-You have only to pull so,'suiting the action to the word,-' and you row.'-' But with inexperienced persons,' I remarked, there is at least some danger.'-' Danger!' exclaimed Jones, pulling up his collar, and putting on a look of wonder what is that?'-I was silenced by his superior daring, and said, 'Well, I'll be one. Who are the selected ?'-' Wilson, Tomlins, Smith, you and I.' And the indispensables-the ladies?'Why, we will say the two Miss Browns, Miss Simpson, and Fanny, and Fatima Smith.'-' Very good. When, where, and what time?' To-morrow at nine, at Searle's, and Richmond our destination.' —'Well, I will undertake to get you there, if you will yield the entire command of the expedition, as I may call it.' 'It will be, if we get there in half the usual time,' said Jones chuckling over the jest ; (Jones is not, however, by any means so dabbish at wit as he thinks he is)- You interrupted me,' I resumed; but who is to arrange the preliminaries and accessories-the eatables and drinkables, and all that?' 'Leave the all that to me,' said Jones. Well then, to-mor⚫ row at nine;' and we shook hands and parted.

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At nine the next day I was on the Lambeth side of Westminsterbridge, and at a quarter past nine we were all mustered, the crew gallantly, and I may say, nautically dressed in striped shirts, white trowsers, white hats, and black neckcloths tied seaman's fashion; our boat-(a shallop with a white awning) manned in no time; the ladies safely got on board and seated; our provisions stowed away fore and aft, and everything ready for starting. Expectation ran high, and the tide was about to do the same; we could not have had a finer morning; the ladies, though timorous on the one hand, relied on the other upon the courage and steadiness of the crew; Mr. Searle considerately said 'Now is the time, gentlemen, to start you could not have a finer tide ;'-I took my station at the helm, Jack-of-the-water pushed us off the roads, and we were committed to the mighty deep. Some confusion as to the duties of stroke-oar, &c. followed; three of the four wished to row on the larboard side, but that was impossible, as they soon discovered; and then Jones very awkwardly dropped his oar with the blade flat in the water, which flung up a spray that wetted Miss Simpson, as thoroughly as if she had been in a shower-bath; but she bore it with a partiality for Jones which nothing could diminish.(Jones is, in many respects, a very great favorite with the ladies, and deservedly so, for he is a young man of very good expectations, and plays excedingly well on the German flute with additional keys.) Smith and Wilson, equally awkward, sat down with their foolish faces towards each other, and began to pull, of course, different ways, which gave rise to considerable merriment on shore: but I put them right on this nautical point, and then placing them as they should be, directed what they should do. Tomlins was my next vexation, for, before his partners had dipped their oars in the limpid stream, he began to pull away as strong as a as a no matter what-I have

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