POLITICAL REGISTER,

AND

MONTHLY CHRONICLE OF PUBLIC EVENTS,
SCOTTISH LISTS, &c.

SATURDAY, MARCH 30, 1833. PRICE THREE HALF-PENCE

rules her with uncontrolled power. Wo to the man z. will dare to sneer or smile at him! Three ensigns may . der this bill, convict any man."

"The Constitution, therefore, is at at an end; for this Act utterly annihilates Trial by Jury. I can never believe that the noble Lord opposite (Althorp) so long the representative of the popular Nobility, and the link of confidence He mentioned several cases of atrocity which had otr~ and regard between them and the People-whose unaffected in Ireland during the Rebellion, when martial-law wa simplicity of heart and manner endears him to all, while it force, and declared that he expected similar or work; sheds a grace even upon his high dignity of rank-I will ceedings now. He maintained that by the 16th section never believe that he has consented to this assassination of the act, any Englishman might be taken to Ireland and tr the Constitution." (Cheering.) by the Courts-martial there. Nothing, in fact-no It Mr. O'Connell then proceeded to enlarge upon the tyran-rection or Arms Act-ever approached this in tyranye nical nature of those clauses which suspended the Habeas horror. He was certain that if the Irish Reform Bili s Corpus Act, prevented public meetings, and destroyed the been framed in a spirit of fairness, nothing more would hire right of petitioning. The liberty of the press, too, was com- been said about the Repeal question. It was the duty of pletely subverted by it. He felt bound to let the House fully Ministers, it was the duty of Sir Robert Peel, from wha understand what sort of a bill it was which they were about some statesmanlike arguments might have been expected, u to pass. prove their assertion that there existed some connexion ne tween predial and political agitation. They had totally failed in doing so.

It was admitted that only a small portion of Ireland was disturbed-a population of about five hundred thousand out of eight millions. Yet the whole country was to le outlawed. He utterly denied that this enactment was equired for the protection of witnesses. Some instantes had occurred where they were maltreated and intimidated; bus there was a multitude of other instances which proved that men who had prosecuted Whitefeet to conviction wigh live in perfect safety in thatched cottages, among the fries and relatives of the men whom their evidence had sent no the gallows.

"The language of this cruel, ensnaring Act, is exceedingly loose; I never met any so utterly untechnical and indefinite in its phraseology. From the high opinion I entertain of his profound knowledge and legal accuracy, I feel a perfect conviction-though I admit grounded on nothing more than that opinion-that the Solicitor-General never saw this Act. I do not know; but if he has seen it, I confess my astonishment. The looseness of the language is surprising. In the 14th section, it is directed, that every person charged with any of the offences hereinafter mentioned or referred to, may be, and such persons shall be, summarily tried by Courts-martial.' Any of the offences hereinafter mentioned! What a specification in so dangerous a statute! The same vagueness prevails in the 17th section; but I come to the 27th, which takes away personal liberty-by which any person may be arrested, committed, or detained in custody, and the sole return to a writ of Habeas Corpus is, that the act was done under the bill. This section further empowers the prisoner to be confined wheresoever his gaoler or keeper pleases. What! the man is not to be imprisoned in the King's gaols, where Sheriffs, Magistrates, responsible officers, may see him; he may be flung into the black-hole of a barrack, or into its filth-hole. (A laugh.) You smile, but can you deny the fact? He might have protection if confined in an ordinary gaol; the Sheriff is a responsible officer; his relations would have access to him; but by this inhuman and tyrannical bill, any place in Ireland which any one delegated by authority chooses may be his gaol. (Hear, He laughed to scorn the assertion that jurors were int hear.) Can I be blamed if my temper does not always ex-midated. Whenever the evidence was found insufficient to hibit perfect equanimity, when such laws are to be enacted convict a man, and he was consequently acquitted, it was laid to the intimidation of the jury; but it was all an old woman's tale. He would ask, what had the Government been doing in Ireland during the last twelve months? He would tell them. They had been goading the people to madness by enforcing the collection of tithes; going frm parish to parish with horse, foot, and artillery, and turning the Lord-Lieutenant into a proctor-general. Yet while they had been doing all this, to drive the peasantry into insur rection, they had taken no measures, at once vigorous and constitutional, to procure order among them.

for Ireland?"

Surely, a provision by which a man may be dragged from his house and imprisoned wherever his gaoler pleases, must have been framed by some distinguished Equity lawyer, whose whole life has been devoted to those ennobling studies which purify and soften the heart.

He then denounced the establishment of Courts-martial. "I cannot adequately express my contempt for Courtsmartial as tribunals to try the people. Five or nine ensigns or lieutenants, with one field officer, form the Court; and the presence of this field-officer is the first guarantee of impartiality. There is another precaution: to be sure, the subalterns are to be twenty-one years of age; but, on the other hand, they must be two years in the Army, in order to learn that obedience is the first virtue of a soldier. The Reformed Parliament turns the Judge out of the box-the Judge who had studied human nature for years, by experience had learned to distinguish the clashing diversities of guilt and innocence, and to pour the drop of mercy into the prisoner's scale, when it wavered in doubt. His viginti annorum lucubrationes are thrown aside as useless, and he himself is removed to make way for the field-officer. If a British subject commits an offence, he is tried by twelve jurors, and he may object to any twenty-one on the panel if he only dislikes their countenances; but let an Irishman utter a word against any of the four ensigns! They are to decide the case; they were ordered to come, and they are there their business is to obey orders, and the prisoner must be content with them. The right honourable Secretary triumphs-he may well do so; Ireland is his domain, he

"Listen to the evidence of Mr. Barrington on the point of the discrimination which the peasantry exercise in the matters. He distinctly states, that he knew no instance vi hostility to jurors on the part of the people. This is the evidence of a man who, for seventeen years, had the best opportunities of judging on the subject, and the business of whose life, during that long period of it, had been to attend to these things. At the same time, his evidence had proved that persons acting under the Insurrection Act had certainly been attacked, and suffered injury; but there was not the slightest hostility against jurors. English Reformers, this is the evidence of a man in the confidence of his Masty' Government. If he be not so, why do they not diss him?"

"The wrongs of my country have been mixed up with attacks on me. Why not banish me for a year and a half? I tell you what I will consent to it. You soud banish me-but do not thus oppress my country. (Hoar, hear, hear!) What is this Reformed Parliament, there presentative of the great and generous people of Engin

what is it doing? Disguise it as you will, you are it gislating against a single individual, I really pity you You do this because my name is made to rhyme with a line of a miserable ballad. Oh, it was excellent with t was superabundant cause of merriment! You may delude yourselves with this, but you will not delude the sen sible people of Ireland and England. They will see that this atrocious bill of pains and penalties is passed against me. There are many men existing who think I am one who say that if you cannot do without such a measure, you ought to abdicate. If you cannot govern Ireland without it, it is most necessary that you should abdicate. The advantage of England calls for your abdication.

This gentleman is Crown Solicitor for Munster.

1

Irish People called for the protection which this bill was intended to afford? No. There had been only one meeting held for that purpose. No stronger argument could be adduced for the repeal of the Union than this bill would supply.

What will become of your National Debt and its interest | tion from the hired police and starving clergymen. Had the if you oppress us till you drive us into a servile war? Do you think you can preserve Ireland in the teeth of this injustice? You come for these measures you do not tell us what their effect will be after you get them." Much had been said about his political agitation being the main cause of the existing disturbances. The facts proved the direct contrary.

The following statement would prove to the House, that since the establishment of the Catholic Association, in 1822, up to the present year, during which period political agitation had prevailed to a great extent, those of fences which are more peculiarly directed against the state, and which mark an insurrectionary spirit, have also decreased in a most striking manner, as would be perceived from the following figures:

1922. 1823. 1924. 1925. 1826. 1827. 1828. 1889.

Commmitments for
Treasonable practices...
24 106 1 4
Seditious practices....... 492 424 121 17 26
Robbery of arms..... 64 31
Appearing armed by night122
Robbery of mails.. ... 36

8646

27

9 10

18

21

59 42 19 7

29

8

3

52 14 27 26 1

7

19

After O'Connell had spoken thus, Lord Althorp closed the long discussion.

It would be an act of the grossest misconduct to injure a whole nation for the sake of upholding one single abusethe Church Establishment. He put it to every Scotchman who heard him, what would he have done had England persevered in forcing upon Scotland against her wishes a Church Establishment? Would he not have done as his countrymen had done before him, resist such an attempt; ay, and resist it to the death, and drive the presumptuous invaders from the borders? Why were not the Irish to do the same? They were eqally generous, equally zealous, equally courageous, and he trusted would be equally victorious.

The title of this bill ought to be a bill to put down Daniel O'Connell, and to keep up the Military and Church Establishments of Ireland." It was a bill brought forward chiefly at the instance of a man who had lost the confidence of the people, though he might retain that of a majority in the House which was by no means the same thing. The bill was brought forward to gratify a feeling of political rivalry. He concluded by moving, as an amendment, the following resolution

He assured the House of the deep reluctance which he felt to advocate so severe a measure as the one before them. He maintained, however, in common with the other mem-disturbances in some districts of Ireland, they were of opi"That while the House deeply lamented the existence of bers of the Government, that it was absolutely necessary. POOR LAWS.-It had been made a matter of reproach nion that it had not been satisfactorily shown that the existagainst the present Government, that they were not pre-ing laws were insufficient for the purpose of putting an end pared to propose the introduction of Poor Laws into Ireland. Certainly the Government entertained no wish to introduce into Ireland the system of Poor Laws which had

been established in England. Many persons, of the highest authority, had expressed a strong conviction that the introduction into Ireland of any system of Poor Laws could not but be attended with the worst effects; and worst of all, the introduction of the English system. Was there any

one in that House who recommended the introduction of the English system of Foor Laws? There certainly had been no decision on the part of Government against the introduction of Poor Laws into Ireland; but at the same time, there had been no decision in favour of any measure of that nature. They certainly had not decided that such a measure would be improper; but they had quite made up their minds that the English system would not do.

He admitted that in the Reformed Parliament it did not become Ministers to assume that they had lost the confidence of the House of Commons whenever they happened to be in a minority.

to them; and that therefore the House could not consent to a bill which placed Ireland out of the pale of the British Constitution."

that the magistracy and landlords of Ireland were to blame for much of the evil which existed. He never would consent to Courts-Martial. He had sat in seven Parliaments, and had never given a vote against the People, and he never

Mr. Alderman Wood seconded the amendment. He said

would.

Mr. Richards, speaking on this question, and describing the misery of the peasantry, was interrupted by the loud laughter, and renewed laughter, and other obstreperousnesses of the honourable House, much excited, called out

The House will not listen to me. I am no noble lord; I have no aristocratic blood circulating in my veins; but I am here as the representative of a respectable constituency, fearless and regardless of the interruptions with which the remarks which I venture to make on this important bill may be received; and I treat those interruptions with contumelious contempt. (Cheers and laughter.) He was prepared to prove-but he dared not and would not wait to do so in the present temper of the house-he was prepared to prove that the alteration in the value of money, and the want of Poor Laws, were the real cause of the outrages and misery of Ireland; and he thought that those who attributed the outrages to any thing done by Mr. O'Connell, or any other man, were far from knowing the real cause of the evils of that country. (Cheers.)

On the second reading of the Irish Bill, Mr. Hume denied that the bill was required by the state of Ireland. That country had been since August last in a state of peace and tranquillity greater than it had witnessed for many years. Admitting, however, that Whitefoot outrages were committed to a considerable extent, he would ask to what cause were they to be attributed? From the confession of Mr. Stanley himself, it was to his measures for the exaction of tithes, after his promise, that they should be extinguished, had been broken. Sir Hussey Vivian had declared that the organization of the peasantry was for the extinction of tithes. Mr. Stanley was the "great agitator;" and before taking any other step, the House should address the King for the removal of that evil counsellor. Tens of thousands of arrests had been made for tithes,-cows, pigs, and in one instance a stack of hay which had been sold to pay the tithes amounting to a few shillings, had been maliciously burnt. As if to outrage and inflame the feelings nesses were persons whose names would not add much creof the Irish, the property of a Catholic clergyman was the dit to their testimony. He attributed the disorders of Irefirst that was seized. In short, the enormous Church Esta-land to the tithe system, and the Church Establishments. The Irish poet was a prophet as well as a poet. Mr. Moore said, most justly—

blishment was the cause of the Irish disturbances. He denied that there was evidence sufficient to prove the inef ficacy of the existing laws for putting down the disturbers of the public peace. There was no evidence from the LordsLieutenant. The Government had procured their informa

the evidence in favour of the bill was communicated to the Mr. Ronayne complained of the mysterious mode in which House. He thought it a very suspicious circumstance, that when Mr. Stanley could not produce the letter of a really respectable man, such as Sir Patrick Bellew, he made no secret of his name-there was no fear of intimidation then. The fair inference from this conduct was, that their wit

"As long as Popish spade and scythe
Shall dig and cut the Sassanagh's tithe,

And Popish purses pay the tolls

On Heaven's road for Sassanagh souls-
So long the merry reign shall be
Of Captain Rock and his family."

for the purpose of allowing others to infringe the Cal
tution hereafter with impunity. He concluded by dap
ing the tendency of this measure to change the fe
of the Irish towards the Army; and he deeply regres
that such a bill should have been resorted to for the p
fication of Ireland.

On the court-martial clause,

Mr. Abercromby, the member for Edinburgh, sail, lu had hitherto given a reluctant assent to the bill; bath would oppose this clause by every means in his power, and he would do it on the ground that the necessity fr He thought Mr its enactment had not been proved. O'Connell's powerful arguments against this chame tomained unanswered.

On the debate on the second reading, Mr. Charles Buller said, he thought the support which Ministers had received from the Conservatives on this occasion a very suspicious circumstance :He did not mean to taunt the members of the Government with their speeches on former occasions; but he thought it would have its effect out of doors, when it was seen that the majority for placing Ireland under military government was swollen by the names of the member for Tamworth (who said he reluctantly supported the measure), He really could find neither such an amount of intiand other members whose politics agreed with his persons midation, nor such systematic efforts to carry it into etewho said "Ay" to the Six Acts, but said "No" to the Re-cution, to satisfy his mind that they were justifed in proorm Bill.

He thought the evidence adduced by the supporters of the bill, meagre, and not to the point.

He was not present when Sir Robert Peel told the story of the murder in Clare, which appeared to make so great an impression on the House; but what had it to do with the passing of the bill now before them? It could only be said that it was a horrible murder. Horrible murders happened in every country, and could not be prevented; and the only thing that could be done to prevent their recurrence was to punish the offenders, as was done in that case. He saw no reason, if that murder were brought as an argument for the passing of the present bill, why the murders committed by Burke and Hare in Scotland, and by Williams and Bishop in London, should not be brought forward as arguments in favour of a similar measure in England. But such arbitrary measures would not prevent

murder in either country.

nouncing the ordinary tribunals of the country micient. Nor could he agree with the argument which he had often before heard used, that when you overstepped the s of the Constitution, you should do it boldly. He o fessed, that though he had heard attempts to justify that doctrine, they carried little weight in his mind he va not convinced by such arguments-but, on the contrary, considered, that whenever the barrier of the Constitution was passed without sufficient reason, without the d rest and most manifest necessity, a gross isjusties was tosmitted on the rights and liberties of the nation. It wa a plausible argument, in answer to which he would saylet those who are overstepping the threshold of the Costitution beware, that in so doing they at least carry along with them the sympathy of all considerate and reasonable men. That which was intended as the source of terror to the people he would predict might become a source of weakness to the Ministers.

Lord Morpeth admitted that the bill was arbitrary, des- He maintained, that the occurrences at the Awires potic, severe, and cruel; but maintained, that it neverthe-in Ireland justified his argument that there was no oersless ought to be passed, to meet the urgent necessities of sion to enforce the dangerous provisions of that chust. the case, which he thought Ministers had fully made out. He approved of Sergeant Perrin's suggestion of sending The most important point of this lengthened a person of authority in the law to a proclaimed district; discussion, as it respects Scotland, was the debate and that, only after the failure of ordinary measures, should the extraordinary powers of the bill be resorted to. H on the Court-martial clause. Modified as it was, concluded by saying, that he entertained a deep and overseveral of the Scottish members wished it wholly whelming conviction, that there could not be a more das gerous and mistaken policy than to make use of officers f the Army in cases in which the political feelings of the people were concerned. [Mr. Abercromby's short speech was much cheered, and made a great impression on the House.]

obliterated'

Mr. Cutlar Fergusson opposed the clause altogether. The establishment of courts-martial was unprecedented and unnecessary. It was a most violent inroad upon the Constitution, and one to which he never would consent. 1le entirely denied that any case had been made out Mr. Stanley very much regretted the opposition of Mr. which established the necessity of abolishing trial by jury. Abercromby to the bill. He was aware of the great Ministers had totally failed in making it appear that jury-weight which it would have. He said it was not fair in men had not performed or would not perform their duty. him to impute to Ministers the intention of making use of But this bill not merely deprived the subject of the bene- courts-martial for the trial of political offences, when all fit of trial by jury; it also took away from him the assis- such offences, including all relating to libel, had been extance of a judge, without which trial by jury was more a pressly excluded from the operation of the clause. He curse than a blessing. Besides, the members of a court- then argued at considerable length, that the difficulty of martial were not responsible for their conduct to any civil obtaining juries, and the intimidation of witnesses, justi tribunal-they were only responsible to courts-martial. fied the introduction of the Court-martial clause. Spe Thus the subject, who was unjustly treated, was deprived cial commissions, he maintained, would be of service when of the protection which he would otherwise have by ap- the insurgents had begun to give way-when once the pealing to the ordinary tribunals of this country against corner was turned, they would be productive of great bene such oppression. This extraordinary doctrine was firmly fit, but not before. advanced by Lord Althorp, and Mr. Charles Grant, following Mr. Stanley; Mr. Grant said, if it were necessary to deviate from the Constitution, the line of demarcation ought to be so distinct, that there should be no danger of their proceedings ever being mistaken for a constitutional measure. He, therefore, contended, that it was a wise and just principle, when it was necessary to deviate from strict law, to adopt a course so widely departing from the usual line of proceeding, that it should be totally impossible ever to mistake the one for the other. He denounc-greatest pleasure. ed in the strongest manner the monstrous doctrine that when you violated the Constitution, the more you violated it the better.

Mr. Shaw said, that he and his friends had been indued to support this bill mainly on the ground that its pro visions were to be used for the punishment of political offences; which it now appeared was not to be the case. He had gloomy anticipations with regard to Ireland. He believed that it would soon be separated from England.

Captain Yorke The bill was now so modified, that the sooner it was thrown into the fire the better. Mr. O'Connell would second that motion with the

On a division on this clause 270 voted for MinisIt might be supposed to be introduced ters and 130 for obliterating it altogether.

On Thursday the 6th, the following scena passed in the Robert Peel and his friends, from the want of Commons. certain technicalities overlooked by Ministers, to the delight of their Tory, and the amusement of their radical opponents.

On the motion for going into a Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. Cobbett rose to say that he would postpone his resolutions on the subject of the Stamp-dutiesHe had already mentioned that there was a mass of taxation amounting to eight millions annually, of which the nobility, clergy, and great landowners, paid little or nothing, but which fell almost exclusively upon the tradesman, the farmer, the workman, and the industrious classes generally. He had proposed to bring forward a resolution, recommending the House to take this subject into their consideration. It had since occurred to him, that whilst the unfortunate question of Irish affairs was before the House, it would be better for him to defer bringing forward his motion until that great question was finally settled. He mentioned this lest the House should imagine that he meant to abandon his motion.

Mr. Spring Rice rose, apparently under considerable excitement, and with peculiar vehemence, said, he wished Mr. Cobbbett had brought forward his motion, or, at least, that he had not intimated his intention of abandoning it in such a manner as to propound an argument, and cause an inference. He disputed the argument, and he denied the inference. He would tell the honourable gentleman, that all he asked of the House and of him, was a clear stage and no favour. He would dispute every inch with the honourable gentleman. He denied that there had been, on the part of the Parliament, any disposition to oppress the people. It might suit the object of the honourable gentleman to make such statements. (Loud cheers.) But he would meet him-ay, he would meet him-he was not afraid to cope with him-(Laughter from the Opposition)-yes he would cope with him foot to foot, and shoulder to shoulder, and God defend the right! (Renewed laughter.) The honourable member might take the privilege of Parliamenthe might put any thing in print for the purpose of deluding the people; but such a system should be exposed-he would expose it, by himself he would do so. (Laughter from the Opposition.) The honourable member for Oldham had made one assertion, he would make another-he declared open hostility on the subject; let the discussion come, and then the public will decide.

Mr. Cobbett rose, amidst loud cries of "Spoke, spoke !" He intimated a desire to explain.

The Speaker-" Mr. Cobbett, in explanation." Mr. Cobbett "I omitted to say"-("Oh! Spoke, spoke !")

Mr. O'Connell said, the right honourable gentleman who intimated so eager a desire for the discussion, appeared, from his state of preparation, to have an advantage over those on that side of the House. (A laugh.)

In sober sadness, however. (" Hear, hear!") On the same evening, Mr. Hume moved for returns of the distribution of the military force, which was objected to as dangerous to the public service. There was, Sir John Hobhouse said, enough of information for every purpose of debating the estimates. The motion was lost.

One of the most important debates of the month took place on the 21st, on a motion of inquiry made by Mr. Thomas Attwood for inquiring into the distressed state of the country.

Nothing, he regretted to say, had been done by the Reformed Parliament, after having been nine weeks in Session, to relieve the distresses of the working classes; who were not, like the nobility, created for mere orna ment, but were the backbone of the nation. The sufferings of these classes were worse now than in 1816 and 1819. The petitions of the people were neglected. The House paid not a single hour's attention to the millions of petitions that were sent to it.

Humble as he was, he would speak the truth, caring little how it was received by any party. What he wanted was, that the cause of distress should be discovered, and when discovered, a remedy should be applied. One half of the working population toiled with scarcely any benefit to themselves, and another half had no employment at all. One half were dying by inches, and the other half were wandering from door to door, claiming charitable relief. The labourer that cultivated the soil, by his labour alone, produced one quarter of the produce of it; whilst, with the aid of machinery, he produced four times more of the good things of life than were necessary for himself. Yet his ungrateful country, when he gave bread to four families, refused to him a sufficient quantity to support one. At the present time, working-men consumed three quarters less flesh meat than they did at the time of the war.

The agricultural interest, the cotton trade, the shipping business, were all on the brink of ruin.

The shipping of the mighty port of London might be said to be in the hands of the mortgagees. To his knowledge, twothirds of the shipping in that port were mortgaged; and that state of ruin was approaching to its final close, for the mortgagees were in many instances about to foreclose and to sell the ships for whatever they might fetch. If that was a fact and he was ready to prove that it was so he thought that of itself made out a case for inquiry. He would then beg them to look to the state of the East and West Indies, and all our other Colonies. They were running rapidly to ruin. Then if they looked at the state of our poor, what would they see? The poor-rates were double what they were fifteen years ago. Double the number of bushels of wheat were paid weekly to them, that was paid at the conclusion of the war; and it would have been easier for the people of England to pay four times as much to the support of the poor as they actually did pay, than it would be for them now to pay double the amount they then paid.

prosperous people. Landed property was deeply mortgaged. Tradesmen were in a state of ruin, and could not pay the taxes. The time was come to inquire into the causes of this state of things

The state of millions in this country was so dreadful, that they looked with joy at the death of their neighbours, in the hope that their property might become their own! The other Parliamentary business was that con- The country was divided into two classes, the affluent and nected with the Church noticed elsewhere; a Com-L.60 of capital raised to the value of L.90, were the only the distressed. The affluent fundholders, who had every mittee obtained by a motion from Mr. Hume to consider of erecting a new House of Commons, and an inquiry into the shameful bribery of electors at Stafford and Liverpool. In the former place it is stated that out of 526 voters who returned the member, 524 were bribed! Mr. E. Bulwer has obtained leave to bring in two bills, which, as we understand them, are intended to secure to drama-currency; and the Government admitted that in that mestic writers the fruits of their talents. The IRISH

CHURCH REFORM BILL, against which the Tories, disappointed at not carrying the coercive measure, are rallying in full force, has been stopped by Sir

He thought that the time had then come when they were bound to inquire why, at the end of seventeen years of profound peace, they were in a worse state than after an equal period of war. He attributed it to the change made in the

sure they had committed a gigantic error, but said it wrs now too late to retreat. They admitted that they had brought

the country to such a state by that measure, that it would

now be ruin to retreat, ruin to go forward, and ruin to stand still. He had said the same thing fifteen years ago