CHAPTER IV

IN THE LEGISLATURE

GOVERNOR FAUQUIER died in 1767, and with the coming of his successor, Lord Botetourt, a new legislature was chosen.

Thomas Jefferson offered himself to the people of his home county of Albemarle as a candidate, and was duly elected a burgess. He had conformed to the custom in such cases, had personally canvassed for votes, had kept lunch and punch ready at Shadwell for hungry and thirsty electors, had attended at the polls, and bowed his thanks to those who voted for him.

The Virginia resolutions of 1765 had created such a threatening demonstration on this side of the water that Great Britain repealed her Stamp Act.

A change of ministry, however, had brought about a change of policy, and the Parliament had imposed the unpopular tax again—this time in the stealthier guise of duties upon imported articles, such as tea, glass, paper, and paint. It was simply a small attempt at a tariff, a very, very moderate charge upon goods entered at the Custom-House. Those who bought the goods would pay the tariff; those who did not like the tariff need not buy the

goods. The tax was not laid upon three or four thousand articles as it is now, but only upon half a dozen or so. Unless the citizen will now consent to wear the wardrobe of Adam and live on air, earth, and water, he must pay the tax. Our forefathers had only to deny themselves paper, tea, glass, and paint to be out of the reach of England's law.

When the burgesses of Virginia met Lord Botetourt at Williamsburg, June 11, 1769, the leaven of 1765 was permeating the whole loaf; but before there could be a clash between crown officers and popular representatives certain preliminaries had to be politely arranged. Lord Botetourt made his royal progress in his state coach from the palace to the capitol, where he entered the council-chamber, and summoned the burgesses to his presence. They had already been sworn in by two members of the council, and now they promenaded to the council-chamber, where Lord Botetourt, seated upon his vice-regal throne, received them informally, and instructed them to return to their hall and elect a speaker. This they did; and then they notified the governor of the fact, who in turn sent his messenger to summon them once more to his presence. Led by their speaker, the burgesses once more promenaded all to the vice-regal room, where the speaker was formally presented to the governor. After some further nonsense of the ver

And

bal sort, Lord Botetourt delivered his address to the council and burgesses, endeavoring to talk as much without saying anything as-well, as an American President talking against the trusts. This precious address having been finished, the speaker begged a copy, which was furnished, and then the burgesses promenaded back to their room. Mr. Speaker ascended his throne, informed the House that he had met the governor, and heard an address of which he had obtained a copy, and that he would now read said address to the House. he did it. Then the House appointed a committee to draft a reply to the "speech from the throne." To assist the committee, the House passed some resolutions which were, in a general way, to serve as a guide to the committee. At this crisis Thomas Jefferson met disaster. Being named as one of the three to draw up the preliminary resolutions, he acquitted himself so well that he was asked to prepare the answer to the address. He did so, and to his mortification his draft was rejected.

In the True Thomas Jefferson William Eleroy Curtis says that "his fine phrases" were "rejected by the practical burgesses, who were not accustomed to express their thought in such elegant diction." In other words, Mr. Jefferson's paper was cast aside because it was too flowery, verbose, ornamental. As a matter of sober fact, just the re

verse was the truth. The paper was rejected because it was too short, too plain, too devoid of courtly flourish. These "practical burgesses thought that Jefferson had stuck too closely to the bare text of his resolutions, had not amplified enough, had not been sufficiently full of “elegant diction."

Another man was named to elaborate the paper and to put more flourish and flower in it, which, having been done, the practical burgesses voted its adoption with great gusto.

The courteous preliminaries having been adjusted according to hoary precedent, the burgesses settled down to business. They at once passed sundry resolutions, the most important of which was aimed at the attempt of Great Britain to tax the colonies which were unrepresented in her Parliament.

"No taxation without representation," declared the burgesses. Mr. William Eleroy Curtis states that, after the passage of these resolutions, Jefferson and Washington and others spent the night in speculating upon what Botetourt would do about it. Few people will believe that a steadynerved soldier like Washington sat up all night speculating as to what Botetourt would do with these resolutions. Especially when these resolutions carried Virginia no farther than she had safely gone in 1765.

It was next day, during the usual hours of session, that the burgesses were summoned to the council-chamber, where the governor, briefly expressing his disapproval of their resolutions, dissolved them, after they had existed organized burgesses only five days. During that afternoon Williamsburg may have witnessed scenes of excitement. There was doubtless much caucusing among the members. For now the question was, What shall we burgesses do? The governor has scolded us as though we were naughty children. we reply? He has told us to go home. Shall we go? If Jefferson and Washington, Henry and Lee lost sleep any night it was this night—not in fear, not in anxious speculation as to what the governor would do, but in earnest consultation as to what they themselves would do.

Shall

The upshot of the consultations was that they resolved to hold a meeting in the long room of the Raleigh hotel next day. In the long room, the famous Apollo, they met accordingly; and they passed resolutions, the sum and substance of which was that they would boycott especially those goods upon which the tariff was laid, and boycott generally all English goods which they could possibly do without. Eighty-eight of the late burgesses signed this agreement; some others refused; and others still were absent. This action of her representatives Virginia approved. At the next elec