ber of the House, his constitutional right to propose such measures for the government of the District as justice and humanity may require. Slaves might be burned alive in the streets of the Capital; the slavers might be crowded to suffocation with human victims; every conceivable cruelty might be practised, and no one member of the local legislature could be permitted to propose even a committee of inquiry, "relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to the subject of slavery!"

The fact that 62 northern members on this occasion, arrayed themselves on the side of the slaveholders, affords a melancholy and alarming proof of the corrupting influence which slavery is exerting on the morality and patriotism of the free States.

This foolish and wicked expedient to "restore tranquillity" to the people, by trampling on their rights and gagging their representatives, failed of success. The petitioners at this session were 84,000,- at the next the number was swelled to ONE HUNDRED AND TEN THOUSAND! and the gag was renewed. During the session of 1837-8, the number rose to THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND. Early in the last mentioned session, a member from Vermont, presented a petition for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and

took the liberty to offer some remarks on the subject of slavery. This attempt to break down "the moral barriers," threw the southern members into great trepidation, and the scene which ensued, illustrates the system of intimidation, to which we have already adverted. The Speaker was interrupted by a gentleman from Virginia, calling aloud, and asking his colleagues to retire with him from the hall; another from Georgia exclaimed, that he hoped the whole southern delegation would do the same; a third from South Carolina declared, that all the representatives from that State' had already signed an agreement.' The House adjourned, and a southern member invited the gentlemen from the slaveholding States to meet immediately in an adjoining room. The meeting was held, but its proceedings were not made public. The result, however, was manifest in the introduction next morning, of another gag resolution, directing all memorials, petitions, and papers touching the abolition of slavery in the national territories, and of the American slave trade, to be laid on the table, without being printed, read, debated, or referred, and that no farther action should be had thereon. Through the acquiescence of northern members, it was passed by a silent vote.

At the beginning of the next session, a meeting of the admininistration members was held, at which it was determined to renew the gag; and as a proof of the devotion of the democratic party at the North to the cause of slavery, it was arranged that now, for the first time, the odious measure should be proposed by a northern man : nay, not merely a northern man, but a native of New-England-a representative from NewHampshire. The resolution was accordingly introduced, and was passed on the 12th December, 1838, and has given notoriety to the name of Atherton.

Thus we see a persevering, systematic effort on the part of Congress to protect slavery by suppressing debate, and throwing contempt upon the petitions of hundreds of thousands of American citizens. That this should be done by slaveholders was perhaps to have been expected; but that they should be aided in such a desperate assault upon constitutional liberty by northern men, for the paltry consideration of southern votes and southern trade, is mortifying and alarming. The meeting of extremes is a trite illustration of human inconsistency. If, in Doctor Johnson's time, the loudest yelps for liberty were heard from the drivers of slaves; the loudest yelps in the northern States against aristocracy, chartered mo

nopolies and oppression of the poor, are now heard from men who have laboured to perpetuate the bondage of millions, by gag laws, and restrictions on the freedom of speech and the press. These men are acting from party views, and are rushing to battle under the war cry of "VAN Buren and slaVERY," in hopes, through southern auxiliaries, of enjoying the spoils of victory. Others again, without the slightest sympathy in the political principles of these men, and with their ears stuffed, and their hearts padded with cotton, are cöoperating with them in behalf of slavery, from their love of southern trade.* We will here close our protracted investigation with a brief

RECAPITULATion of the ACTION OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IN BEHALF OF SLAVERY.

This action we have found exhibited (omitting constitutional provisions) in

1. Its effort to degrade the free people of colour

* The following are strong and amusing instances of the meeting of extremes. In the Spring of 1837, the whig merchants of New-York, sent a deputation to Washington to request the President to adopt certain measures to relieve the commercial embarrassments of the country. The request was declined, and a great meeting was convened to receive the report of the deputation.

by excluding them from the militia; prohibiting them from driving a mail waggon-denying naturalization to foreigners of their complexion — subjecting them to odious disqualifications and restrictions in the City of Washington; and above all in permitting them without trial, at the discretion of the marshal, to be sold as slaves to pay their JAIL FEES. 2. In its tolerance of slavery in territories under its exclusive jurisdiction.

3. In its arbitráry, unconstitutional, and wicked laws for the arrest of fugitive slaves.

The report which was adopted by the meeting, recommended efforts to displace Mr. Van Buren, and as one means of effecting this object, exhorted the merchants to "appeal to our brethren of the South for their generous co-operation; and promise them that those who believe the possession of property of any kind” (not excepting men, women, and children,) "is an evidence of merit, will be the last to interfere with the rights of property of any kind; discourage any effort to awaken an excitement, the bare idea of which should make every husband and father shudder with horror.' In plain English, if the slaveholders would make common cause with the New-York merchants against Mr. Van Buren, they in return would make common cause with the slaveholders against the abolitionists. But democrats know the value of southern votes quite as well as the whigs. Accordingly we find in the Washington Globe of Feb. 9, 1839, a speech intended to have been delivered, but prevented by the gag resolution, by Mr. Eli Moore, a double-refined democrat, President of the New-York Trades' Union, and representative from that City in Congress. This gentleman tells us "the wild, enthusiastic, and impetuous spirit which kindled the fires of