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question is full of interest and instruction. With great possessions came great political and social power. As monasteries became rich and powerful princes began to fix a greedy eye upon their revenues, and the title of abbot was often conferred upon men who were strangers to the monastic life; and sometimes even upon infants: the chief anxiety being to secure thereby wealth and influence. It was in France that this evil-the leprosy of the monastic system-attained its utmost limits, and in that country the decay of monasteries was the most complete. The Concordat between Francis I. and Leo X. gave to the king the right of nominating to all the abbeys and conventual priories in the kingdom; and this power was often exercised to gratify the most unworthy passions-to pension a minister, or to purchase the favours of a mistress. Thus it was, then, that the monks, deprived of their elective power, and misgoverned by men who seldom or never visited their abbeys, gradually shook off the bonds of discipline, and copied only too faithfully the patterns of worldliness and self-indulgence set before them by their rulers.

*

"Can we wonder," asks M. Montalembert, "at the progress of corruption, of spiritual and intellectual decline? What were they else but so many isolated detachments of soldiers, forgotten by their army, without leader, and without discipline, who found themselves thus naturally exposed, and almost condemned, to all the temptations of idleness?"

And thus the monastic life ebbed away. Some houses died out altogether from downright inanition, it being impossible to find novices to supply vacant places; for it is an instructive fact-and let us chronicle it to the honour

of human nature-that recruits have always presented themselves with greater readiness in proportion as the rule was strict. The austerities of Pachomius, his single meal of herbs in the evening, his almost unbroken silence, his protracted vigils, his labour under the burning sun of Egypt, did not prevent 7,000 monks from enrolling themselves under his rule, and presenting to the world an example of Christian sacrifice which has been rarely equalled, and never surpassed.

But why, it may fairly be asked, did not the Popes refuse to sanction the election of these unworthy abbots? They possessed the power of veto; why was it not exercised? We commend the question to those among the Roman Catholics who are perpetually taunting English Churchmen with their slavery to the State. Dreary as were the days of the Gregorian era, nothing can be pointed out to vie with the holding of sixteen abbeys by the infant Medici, afterwards Leo X; or the bestowal of the noble abbey of Farfa upon the captain of a band of brigands, who wasted the surrounding country with fire and sword, until he was killed while attempting to carry off his own sister from her bridegroom. The worst of our ecclesiastical appointments become meritorious when placed side by side with the profligacy of Richelieu and Mazarin, or the sordid worldliness of the Cardinals of Lorraine and

Châtillon.

The chapter in which M. Montalembert describes the ruin of the monastic system is specially worthy of study. It draws from him thoughts which are seldom allowed free vent in a money-getting age. As Englishmen we shall gratefully avail ourselves of his testimony that the work of desecration and spoliation does not belong to our land alone. If Henry VIII. could dishonour the bones of James IV. of Scotland, who was killed in defence of his country, it is equally true that neither Fontevrault or Maubisson were able to shield the ashes of Richard Coeur de Lion, or Blanche of Castile. If England can turn the chapels of priories into dining-halls or picture-galleries, it is no less certain that Catholic France can herd swine in the cloister of Cadouin, while a china manufactory occupies the site of the Chartreuse of Seville.

But while bestowing on the work of M. Montalembert that commendation which it so well deserves, we must not close our eyes to defects in certain portions of it, which are the more apparent from the marvellous symmetry and grandeur of the whole. Matchless as is his sketch.

of S. Benedict, and the narrative of the reconquering of the world from the barbarians by the monks, there is yet an air of heaviness, if not of downright monotony, about his description of monastic progress under the first Merovingians. Too much credit is also claimed for legends which at best are but doubtful. M. Montalembert's belief in the marvellous knows no limits. If, therefore, we follow him through these portions of his narrative reluctantly, and even painfully, it only enhances the delight when we emerge once more upon the legitimate field of history.

But the worst defect is the want of fairness which he shows towards the monks of the East. True to the traditions of his Church, M. Montalembert scruples not to say:

"Even the deposit of ancient knowledge escaped from their hands. They have saved nothing, regenerated nothing, elevated nothing. They ended, like all the clergy of the East, by becoming slaves of Islamism, and accomplices of schism."

It is painful to meet with an instance of such unfairness. On M. Montalembert's own showing the West owes the rise of its monastic system to the East. And has, then, nothing been saved or regenerated? It was S. Athanasius who came to Italy from the Thebaid, with his attendant monks, Ammonius and Isidore. And what was the result of his mission? When Rome had been penetrated to its very heart's core by his preaching, when the descendants of the Scipios, the Gracchi, the Camilli had turned their palaces into monasteries, and patrician ladies, so delicate that they could scarcely set their feet upon the ground, were seen busying themselves in offices which would have been refused by slaves, the tide of monasticism set back again towards the East, and the cell of S. Jerome, at Bethlehem, became the nucleus of a vast emigration of the noblest of the sons and daughters of the West. levelling this charge, then, against the monasteries of the East, M. Montalembert suffers himself to forget their intimate connection with the West. It is true enough that monasticism in the East has not answered to its early promise, but it is equally true that for a time it was quenched in the West. Even in our own lifetime, between the years 1830 and 1835, 3,000 monasteries disappeared from the soil of Europe. Whatever wonders, then, may have been wrought by S. Benedict, S. Columbanus, or S. Bernard in the West, they are largely indebted for success to their precursors in the East; and any attempt to undervalue or ignore their labours can only end in producing a one-sided version of facts.

In

Saving these blemishes, we commend M. Montalembert's still unfinished work to the careful study of all our readers. At a time when the Church is in great need of the help of her sons and daughters for the carrying her message to millions of our people at home, and when the principle of association and community, without binding vows, is recognized as one among many means to this great end-when we have sisterhoods-and why not brotherhoods, too?-commanding the respect and the affection of all among whom they minister, it is full of special interest, and special interest, and it is very valuable to find ourselves brought face to face with the praise and the blame, the virtues and the vices of the old monastic life.

Secularia.*

HE exceptional goodness of Secularia would not alone vindicate their right to republication. The collection of fugitive essays on heterogeneous subjects has become one of the most tiresome and provoking phases of the vanity of dilettante writers, and deserves the rebuke of critics whenever and wherever it shows itself. At first sight Mr. Lucas's book seems like an instance of this bad habit, and if a little careful

* Secularia; or, Surveys on the Main Stream of History. By Samuel Lucas, M.A. John Murray.

reflection were not sufficient to clear it of the reproach, would deserve to take its punishment along with the crowd of its inferiors. But for all that has been said of it in certain quarters, there is an unity in Secularia. We will not go so far as to say that that unity is always very definitely expressed. The essays are in themselves fragmentary, although they are all of them capable, some in a greater degree than others, of being employed as materials in a single structure. But occasionally their subject-matter is so very special, so local, so nook-and-corner in its character, that its relation to the capital intention of the whole work is hard to be discerned. To borrow a metaphor from the author's fanciful but by no means affected title, the streamlets upon which some of the surveys are conducted are so far from the course of the head waters, that a careless observer is apt to deny them an outlet into any seaward channel. This remark applies especially to the paper on The Medieval Castle, and to that on The Medieval Borough. What it has become the slang of the art to call "local colouring" is so strong in two essays, which seem to sink into descriptive speculations upon one castle and one borough, that we are not unnaturally apt to forget that the writer intended to take his solitary instances as types of the manifestations of an epoch. Not that Mr. Lucas does fairly leave us with any such excuse. The first of these essays commences with a most explicit programme :—

"The stream of history, like the river Rhine, in a certain part of its course, is lavishly garnished with castles. Castles rise, as it were, from every part of its landscape, and occupy the dominant positions on its terrain. The powers beyond them are dormant or invisible; the world at their base is their own domain, and it is clear that their masters, for a certain space, are the real lords of Western Europe, to a degree which it requires an effort to appreciate in reading the history of the European nations. . . . This phenomenon is a subject for the mind to dwell upon, for it is significant of the transitory nature of feudalism, and it may be explained in an essay, or illustrated by an example. An example may serve to vivify our generalisations, if we observe the experience of some particular castle, which, for England, may have been a fair representation of the rest. With an intent quite as clearly defined he opens the paper upon the Medieval Borough thus:

...

"The importance of the municipal element, as one of the four corner-stones which lie at the foundation of the modern political edifice, has been stated with such masterly precision by Monsieur Guizot, in his treatise on the History of Civilization in Europe, that it is quite superfluous to repeat the substance of his admirable outline. In fact, it is hardly possible to state in a clearer form what the boroughs have contributed to the advancement of the individual and of society. . . .. The borough in which the writer himself has taken the strongest interest, from old associations, is that of Bristol; and there are special reasons why Bristol should be preferred as a representative of the purely municipal element in mediæval England."

"

Clothed with this very plain declaration of purpose, the two papers in question are fairly entitled to take their place among Surveys on the Main Stream of History. Without it, they would truly enough be surveys off rather than surveys on the main stream. With it, they are no longer mere archæological disquisitions, but they are fair illustrations of one epoch in the progress of the European races. If England was on the said main stream, then so were her boroughs and her castles; and in contributing a model instance of both, Mr. Lucas has only done for general history in England what some Frenchman should do for it in France, some German in Germany.

The other papers are all more plainly, though not more strongly to the general purpose. A comparison of ancient and modern revolution was a natural exordium to a work which was intended to treat of history, ancient and modern, as one succession of advancement, conturbation, and change. An exposition of the fatuity of all social, intellectual, and theological revivals was necessary to guard against one of the most tempting seductions which falselyconducted thought upon the past holds out to its more imaginative and hearty students. We should have liked the paper in question better had it kept more constantly in view the difference between a political revival, which is true to nature and feasible, and a social revival, which is false to nature and impracticable. To raise an Italy or a Poland from the dust is the proper work and ambition of

a patriot and statesman; but to make the resuscitated social life of either of the two nations start from the epoch of its fall, centuries ago, would be the hobby of a pedant or the chimera of a fool. But upon this head again we say, read Mr. Lucas carefully, and you will not find that he has missed the point. Upon the coming of the Armada Mr. Lucas had little that was new to say. Mr. Motley, of whose last volumes his essay once evidently was altogether, and now is almost entirely, a review, had anticipated him. Still the continuity, which certain critics will not concede to Secularia, would have been imperfect without it; and it is most beautifully written. As to the papers on The English Alternatives of 1640-41, The New England Theocracy, and Some Preparatives of the American Revolt, it would be an affectation of acumen to deny them the highest praise. They go far to condemn Secularia on the ground that their author has hitherto dissipated, upon spasmodic efforts, powers that should have been employed upon a long stretch of historic labour. They have certainly committed him for the future. We have been so glutted of late with refutations of that brilliant historical scriber Lord Macaulay, that The Revolution of 1688, and its Historian, fails in interest. Pulveris exigui jactu compressa quiescent, we feel inclined to say, coupling all due reverence for the combatants with an apology for the illustration. The Hohenzollern Stage of Hero-worship is a very brisk and well-conducted attack on that brutal love of the hard heart and heavy hand which has disfigured Mr. Carlyle's later biographies; and Absolutism in Extremis is so cleverly argued a disquisition on M. de Tocqueville's Enquiries, that it gives us fresh confidence in Mr. Lucas's power of writing history proper. With an essay on Revolutions in Progress and in Prospect, the series very properly closes. This paper once more shows that the natural bent of Mr. Lucas's own mind would carry him over the Atlantic for a subject. It is to be hoped that the recognition of talent with which Secularia has everywhere been met, with the unwilling no less clearly than the willing, will induce him to forego the fascination of such desultory writing and study as have begotten this volume, and to employ faculties that must be now matured-if a style that is really very rich, and thought that is really consecutive be any indication of maturity-upon some work that shall be of a nature to repay a man for the whole employment of his manhood.

Psychological Inquiries."

VOLUME of essays from Sir B. Brodie must always be welcome to all readers who deal with. more than the surface of things, and are content to follow a plain, quiet, truthful guide along the edge of some topics of great and permanent interest. They will not meet with a single page of fine writing, in itself a strong recommendation; nor, on the other hand, will they find very much that is new. But they will find something to amuse and interest them in some of the author's remarks, even where he repeats what he has said in former works, or when he touches on subjects on which much has been said by other writers. We speak of his dealing with the edges of some topics which he professes to discuss, because in the course of the dialogues, as each subject is passed to and fro from speaker to speaker, the real point at issue between them too often escapes. A and B are busily disputing away at some one point-of grave or trifling importance-when, lo and behold, just as the reader anxiously looks for some bright, clear solution, some quick stroke of conviction,-the real gist of the matter has somehow disappeared. A nearly had it, B seemed sure of it, when it slipped through the fingers of both. This is, of

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* Psychological Inquiries, Part II. A Series of Essays intended to illustrate some points in the Physical and Moral History of Man. By Sir Benjamin Brodie, Bart., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c. Longman & Co., London, 1862.

course, more or less, the fault of almost all books in the form of dialogue,—the dialogue in print being liable to the very same defect as when the speakers are living men. Only when the speakers are men of thought and genius does the dialogue sparkle into real eloquence, and captivate all ears. Only when the writer is of the highest class as a master of English prose can he make his puppets speak as living men really disputing, and send conviction home to the reader's mind.

If Sir B. Brodie has not achieved this, it is not because he has written without care, and after patient investigation. In both these respects he deserves praise. On many points he has great store of information; he is often acute, and as often painstaking. Good common sense-that most uncommon of condiments-seasons the drift of almost all he has to say; and the reader who wishes to gain a sound common-sense view of such topics as are here discussed can have no better guide than the one before us.

The aim of the book seems to be sound enough. It is to show that the problem as to man's present condition, character, and capabilities, can be solved by reference to no one department of knowledge, but that the observations of the physiologist must be combined with those of the moral philosopher, mutually helping and correcting each other. Researches of this kind, he urges, are not to be regarded as merely curious speculations, but are of real practical importance to every one. It is a great thing to teach a man how to improve his own faculties; to see clearly how far they can be improved, and how far the work lies in his own hands. Any one really in earnest for this matter may here learn how to set to work, and with what chance of success. But to do this he must be in earnest, and listen to his teacher as a willing disciple. With these few words of preface, we will glance into the book itself, and endeavour to show our readers a little more closely what it is like; stopping here and there by the way to gather a flower, or to pull up a weed.

The dialogues are seven in number: the three first relating to the scope and nature of human knowledge, and the influence of external circumstances on the mind; the fourth, to human happiness; the fifth, to the intercourse of different classes in society; the sixth, to natural theology; and the seventh, to an hypothesis of the indefinite perfectibility of the human mind. Any one of these subjects would, if fully discussed, suffice to fill the volume; and here being all more or less discursively treated, some of them come rather badly off. Sir Benjamin is apt here and there to be rather inclined to gossip, as indeed most people are when they settle down in a formal way to discuss grave topics for a set purpose. It is not to be wondered at therefore that Ergates, Crites, and Eubulus, now and then wax discursive and garrulous, instead of keeping to the point under discussion. We will begin with a glance at dialogue No. I. At page 5 we find Eubulus expressing his opinion that the classics should not be the exclusive studies of our schools, but that other subjects should be joined with them relating to the phenomena of the universe; not with the idea that every boy is to turn out a profound astronomer, chemist, or naturalist, but that he may gain some general and useful knowledge. Crites, in reply to this not very novel truth, admits the force of his remarks, but mourns over the narrow range of human knowledge on all such topics as physical and intellectual life. To him the universe seems more or less a puzzle; an assemblage of phenomena, many of them "bearing no evident relation to anything besides." But he supposes that there are in the universe beings of a superior intelligence, possessed of higher powers and a greater range of observation, who are, as it were, behind the scenes, and see into matters beyond mortal ken. Who or what these superior beings are, or what use they make of their knowledge, he gives us not a hint. But in two other parts of the volume Sir Benjamin alludes to, and leaves them, in much the same vague manner. The mention of them plays no possible part in the argument; but the author seems by their introduction to say, as it were, a word in his own behalf,-" You see I believe in the world spiritual as well as physical, so pray do

not imagine me inclined to any materialistic view of things." It appears hardly worth while for such a writer to step out of his way to tell us what nobody doubts; but such is the simple fact as it greets us. We, however, continues Crites, poor mortals must be content with humbler views, and grope our way as well as we can through all the unintelligible "changes going on around us." Not that we should be much better off if gifted with higher intelligence, because it seems a question whether extension of knowledge leads to extension of happiness. Wise men are not exempt from human frailties. Is it not also really true that there is "no connection between wisdom and knowledge, that be much of either one of them with very little

there may

of the other?"

In reply to these speculations, Eubulus informs us that human knowledge is limited, but it is marvellous how much has been accomplished. Philosophers are but men ; humanum est errare; and if knowledge does not improve, the judgment, it gives us broader views, and thus more accurate conclusions. Knowledge may not add to happiness, yet the causes which tend to shorten human life are mostly those which produce bodily or moral suffering,— while average life is longer in civilized than in uncivilized countries. The pursuit of knowledge exalts the views, and raises man above low pleasures and sensual enjoyments. Man is an imaginative animal; and there is no better field for exercise of his imagination than the physi-, cal phenomena of the universe. Order and design throughout it compel us to recognize "a vast superintending Intelligence." The horizon of this field is boundless.

Ergates, in reply, goes further. Diffusion of knowledge, he thinks, affects society at large for good; makes laws impartial, and asserts the power of public opinion, while it is necessary to give full effect to the precepts of Christianity. For want of it (this is not very clear) Galileo was tortured, Servetus burned, the Huguenots were persecuted. Where ignorance is the rule, and knowledge the exception, the term civilization does not apply. In the eyes of a being of superior intelligence the Duke of Buckingham dancing at the French court, an Australian savage decked with war-paint and glass beads, Esterhazy with diamonds on his boots, and a negro chief in the cast-off uniform of a general, would be, he thinks, just of one level as emblems of civilization. He deprecates, also, too great an importance being attached to the study of physical phenomena; and urges the claims of psychology, a science as real as astronomy, chemistry, or natural history, meaning by the term all that relates to the operation of the intellect, the laws of our moral sentiments.

Such is the main line of thought in dialogue the first, such is the gist and tenor of its argument; moving evenly along the old track of well-known and well-debated subjects, and on the whole with good sense and moderation, but very rarely throwing any new light on the topics discussed, either in illustration or deduction. And the characteristics of Dialogue I. are more or less the characteristics of them all. Wemove slowly at best over old ground, where, by most thinking men, definite conclusions have long since been formed; and where raising trifling objections, and old worn-out doubts, is but setting up giants of straw for the pleasure of knocking them down again. Nothing specially disagrees with the reader; but there is no flash of genius, no keen arrow of brilliant illustration or sharp logic to kindle his mind into anything like fervour, or rouse him from the even groove in which all the disputants move steadily on.

Still, our author is always sensible; and common sense is far too rare a quality not to be valuable. Here and there, however, when on the verge of some higher train of thought than the one before him, though still of good sense, he is not so accurate as he might be; as in Dialogue I. where, in speaking of certain necessary truths which we at once recognize, for example, that the square of the base of a right-angled triangle is equal to the squares of the other two sides, he contrasts these with other necessary truths beyond our comprehension.

"If," he says, "we ask why does the Deity exist, or why does any

thing exist? it is evident that it must be from necessity, and because it could not have been otherwise."

But it is clear that the answer "necessity" to question the first is no fit answer to question the second. To say that God exists, and that all things in the universe exist, by necessity-just as if they exist and are in one and the same way-is at best but a loose and vague way of talking unworthy of a philosopher, and rather strange in the mouth of a Christian. God exists, indeed, by necessity, things exist because He exists;-a broad but inevitable truth lying at the root of all true philosophy and of all Christianity, which it is strange to find such a writer even appearing to let slip. But traces of the same want of accuracy of thought and of definition are to be found elsewhere; as in a discussion of the imagination at p. 180, where we read not only that imagination is the essential part of the genius of the poet, but also the main instrument of discovery in science and of invention in the arts. It is fortunate that poor Mr. Buckle is not alive to hear what he would call this" astounding heresy,"-pace quiescat in spite of it,and to be told that the imagination furnishes those lights which illuminate the philosopher's path and lead him onward in his journey. It would certainly have hastened his death had he been now alive and at work on that mighty third volume of his mighty history. Even Sir Benjamin himself feels that the assertion is a dangerous one, and instantly qualifies it by adding :

life out of which, according to this theory, have grown all the countless varieties which now exist,-the oyster, the elephant, the viper, and the butterfly, all springing from one and the same primary living creature. All one wonders at in reading such an outrageous demand on ignorant credulity is that the inventors of the system did not carry their theory one step further, and having declared that elephants and butterflies both sprang from one and the same parent, do away with the necessity for any parent at all. With that point, however, we have here no immediate concern. Our sole aim is to see how our author treats the question,-having himself introduced it into a desultory conversation. He says,—

doubt); adding that "there is abundance of evidence that the dif "It is a wide question;" (and of its width there is no possible ferent species of animals are capable of undergoing certain transformations, &c. &c.”

And then he goes on to talk of ill-fed Bosjesmen, and Albinos; of varieties in dogs, and in cattle. iota. It may be abundant, and it may be convincing. But of the abundant evidence he gives us not one single But, as yet, neither he, nor Mr. Darwin the elder, nor Mr. Darwin the younger, nor the ingenious author of the Vestiges of Creation, have condescended to give us any We have indeed abundance of ingenious specimens. speculation, conjecture, theory, and assumption: but we have no solid foundation of data; no close accurate rea"Fallacious lights indeed if he trusts implicitly to them, but far soning; no ground, in short, for upsetting a system which otherwise if he takes them for no more than they are worth."

And then he plunges headlong into that second inaccuracy to which we were about to allude, when the thought of poor Buckle diverted us.

"Such," he continues, "is the history of all the great achievements in the inductive sciences, even in those where we deal with absolute certainties; how many crude notions passed through Newton's mind before he invented fluxions; so is it with all human pursuits; whether in the case of Marlborough or Wellington planning a campaign, Columbus directing his course, &c. or Watt engaged in the invention of the steam-engine."

But, surely, nothing can be more vague or inaccurate than such words and such reasoning as this. It is to be doubted exceedingly what share imagination had in Newton's invention of fluxions, the result of long, careful, exact calculation; and however sharply it may have spurred on Columbus to the blessed Islands of the West, it had little to do with such a mind as Watt's, and nothing whatever with the conqueror of Blenheim or Waterloo. The coupling together of these names is altogether hapless and inaccurate. The fierce, rapid conclusions of a soldier have little in common with the slow, patient, elaborate investigations of a mathematician, whether pondering on fluxions or watching the falling apple. The soldier is playing a desperate game of antagonism against an adversary perhaps of equal or superior skill; he watches for the first false move, the first fatal opportunity, sweeping down upon it swiftly and with success, unless he be himself suddenly_checkmated. The philosopher has no such enemy. The step which he gains to-day is gained for ever; on it he rises to a nobler, brighter morrow, of clearer truth, of brighter vision, more certain result, which no enemy but his own ignorance or presumption can take from him.

One more instance of this want of accuracy, and we have done ::

"The theory," says Sir Benjamin, at p. 202, as first propounded by the elder Darwin, and afterwards by Lamarck and the Author of the Vestiges of Creation, has been not unfrequently viewed with suspicion, as if it had a tendency to Atheism. Yet there can be no greater mistake."

And what do our readers suppose is brought forward as a proof that there can be no greater mistake than the belief that such books have an Atheistic tendency? This, and this alone; one single remark that this system takes for granted as marvellous an act of creative power and wisdom as can possibly be conceived. This marvellous act, we suppose, is the creation of the first germ of animal

commends itself to common sense, philosophical inquiry, and Christian belief, in favour of one which boldly sets all three at defiance.

It is not sufficient for Sir Benjamin Brodie to disclaim all intention of helping on such a system as this, by saying, "Pray don't think me a believer; there are such difficulties in the way that I am far from being convinced of its truth." If he intended neither to uphold, to condemn, or thoroughly discuss it, far better to have omitted it altogether. As it is, he has done neither. He has given no decision at all, where the voice of so able an authority, if anywhere, would have commanded immediate and great respect. This, in fact, is the fault of the book. Subjects are introduced of so wide and so deep an importance as to demand full and accurate inquiry, and are dismissed with hasty generalizations, or inaccurate, shallow criticism, which points to no decision. All these should have been fully dealt with, or altogether omitted; especially as the book in which they appear contains many passages of sound, just philosophy, and happy criticism. Space for bids us to give these in extenso; but we may note, as well worthy of careful reading, the whole chapters on the cultivation of the imagination, the nervous force, insanity, medicinal agents, the mutual relation of bodily and mental faculties, the influence of health on happiness. these subjects Sir Benjamin is evidently at home. He has, probably, more abundant and more accurate information on most of such topics than other thinkers of the day; and if he had strictly confined his dialogues to these, our task would have been a far pleasanter one, and his little volume likely to have attracted a far wider class of readers, and sent fewer away disappointed.

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GARDNER'S 21. 25. DINNER SERVICES

complete, best quality. A large selection of patterns of the choicest description. Breakfast, Dessert, Tea, and Toilet Services, at the lowest possible prices. Cut Wines, 35. 6d. per dozen; Cut Quart Decanters, 75. 6d. per pair. H. and J. GARDNER (by appointment to her Majesty, the Board of Green Cloth, Lords of the Treasury, Admiralty, Office of Works, Customs, and the other Government Offices), 453, Strand, Charing Cross. Established 110 years. gravings free by post.

En

KNICKERBOCKER SUITS for 15s. 6d.

At B. JOSEPH'S AND COMPANY,
150, Regent Street.

BOYS' SCHOOL SUITS for 255.

At B. JOSEPH'S AND COMPANY,

150, Regent Street.

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Aberdeen, with a population of more than 80,000, possesses, for members of our communion, church accommodation for only about 1,800. Considering, therefore, that the present temporary Church of St. Mary is small, inconvenient, and continually overcrowded; and bearing in mind the obvious duty of lengthening our cords and strengthening our stakes, I quite approve of the proposition for building a new Church for that Congregation, and cordially recommend the plan to the charity of the faithful both here and elsewhere.

"THOMAS G. SUTHER, Bishop of Aberdeen. "Dec. 27, 1861."

Donations may be paid to the "St. Mary's Church Building Fund," at the British Linen Company's Bank, King Street, Aberdeen.

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The LITERARY BUDGET (under a new management) will, from and after the 5th inst., become a WEEKLY-instead of a MONTHLY-Publication. This change has been considered necessary because it is believed the want of another Literary Journal really exists.

The LITERARY BUDGET will adopt a very plain principle of action. It will lend itself to no clique-be the mouthpiece of no party. Its criticisms of our Literature will be alike fearless and impartial. LITERATUTE, the DRAMA, SCIENCE, and ART, will be fully represented.

Finally, the LITERARY BUDGET does not seek to enter into rivalry with any existing Literary Journal, but will adopt a plan and style apart from them all.

The LITERARY BUDGET may be had from Newsvenders in Town and Country, and at all the Railway Book Stalls.

OFFICE: 7, Burleigh Street, Strand; London.

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