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knowledgment may be, it must be confessed that at the same time two opposite things, maintain a these things are principally, if not entirely, to be building and pull out the foundations. found in, or to have arisen out of, its internal state. It is not every time that has witnessed the growth There is in some respects a lack of vitality, from of jealousies and suspicions directed against the faults of tending and culture, which hinders vigorous clergy, arising principally out of a hasty and inconand healthy growth. And there are positive hin- siderate return by some of their number to portions drances and not negative only ; some of them in of ritual and ceremonial which in themselves are full operation; others less active now, but having good to revive, but which should always wait upon left dark traces upon our religious and social life. the revival of doctrine, and not be made to forestall Unfaithfulness to the doctrine and the discipline of it; and to other portions which are in themselves a Church will be found, perhaps, at all times, in one indifferent, and from one cause or another affronting degree or another, among the members of that to popular feeling. It is not every time which has Church, but it is not every time that produces this seen some considerable number of clergy and laity unfaithfulness in its most revolting aspect; that is, evidencing their want of faith in the position of the when exhibited in the persons of men who have Church of England by a desertion of it for the come under the most solemn voluntary obligations Roman obedience. to be faithful, and who retain the emoluments and There is a revival, too, of that which, if it could the positions of a Church which they do all in their succeed, could only issue in the disruption of the power to discredit and overthrow. Of this we have Church. It will not succeed; but it is an evil that had of late a most unhappy instance, one charged with the question should be stirred at all, and a hindrance great and insidious danger, in the publication of and offence. At no time, indeed, since the ReforEssays and Reviews. And there are worse signs of mation has “Revision of the Book of Common our internal condition than the publication of the Prayer, and Administration of the Sacraments, and book, even under the aggravated circumstances just other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church,” been noted. It is bad to have such a book at all. It is advocated at once so recklessly and so feebly. But worse to see it eagerly bought up and read, and it is no testimony to the depth and calmness of the either palliated or feebly and faintly condemned. I judgment of our time that men should think it posIt is bad to have authors of such a book in charge sible to persuade the public mind that the changes of the education of the youth of the Church. It they seek would have no effect but to relieve conis worse to see parents and guardians still content to science. They would aggrieve conscience very far entrust their children to their keeping.

more than relieve it, as every one knows who knows Again, it is not every time that sees proposals to anything of the matter. There is no grievance destroy at the call not only of an unproved, but of here, any more than there is in Church-rate, or in a disproved necessity, a necessity not many years the case of clergy whom it is proposed to “relieve” old, and born upon the hustings of the great towns of their orders. in the excitement of 1831-2, a portion of the Church's 1 There are other internal hindrances and offences inheritance; one identified with its national position : 1 of longer date; some of them in process of partial of this we have had not one, but many instances in removal; of others of them the remedies do not Bills for abolition of Church-rate. Other bills there yet appear. Among them the chief blot is the are, the offspring of abolition, which alike destroy abandonment, as it were by general consent of the the principle but keep the name. This is the way members of the Church, of spiritual discipline by in which not a few Churchmen have met the aboli- way of formal censure of notorious offenders; and tionist. A proposal to kill is met by counter proposals this notwithstanding that the civil power, while to kill, invigorate, and cure all at once; and, what modifying in some respects the exercise of the anis more wonderful still, by the same process. Al cient jurisdiction of the courts spiritual, has taken most every man has his nostrum for “ the settle- express care to guard and provide, by acts of parment of Church-rate.” The first ingredient in each liament of this century, for the substance of that nostrum is the admission of a grievance, which it jurisdiction. There is no greater cause of inherent has long been contended has no existence, and weakness than that which is found in this dereliction which is now allowed to have no existence except as of the office and duty of the Church; none which being a part of the great comprehensive grievance is a more just ground of scandal and reproach, none of the Established or National Church. Neverthe- which supplies a more striking instance of the facility less the proposals go on. Individual and collective and complacency with which those who are themselves wisdom are continuously taxed to invent them. in fault lay the blame anywhere but on themselves. It is a sort of epidemic which we will hope will pass | It has somehow or other come to be assumed as an away with the finer weather of 1862. Now all historical fact, and as such is often deplored by these proposals, as addressed to those who would Churchmen, that it is the legislature which is to kill, and as inviting their concurrence and co-opera- | blame for the unhappy condition of the Church of tion in the proposed killing, invigorating, and cura- | England in this particular. Now the fault is not tive process, are comical enough; and, as addressed with the legislature at all, but with the people, the to those who are really minded to save, they lack clergy, and, most of all, with the ordinaries of the cogency, as surrendering the entire principle of that | Church; and that man, whether clergyman or which they would conserve, and slaying by slow churchwarden, would do the greatest service to the poison and lingering death instead of by a blow. National Church, because he would assist very powerNo Conservative who knows what he is about will fully towards the relief of it from a great scandal vote for what is called, in parliamentary language, and reproach, who should present to the ordinary, “ Compromise of Church-rate." No man can do sitting in his visitation court, a case of notorious

which led be / Churchem ret

offence against the morality of the Gospel, existing discipline amongst ourselves, the Churchman cannot within his parish, and which he is prepared to prove, pretend to cast out the Nonconformist by act of and, upon the refusal or the neglect of the spiritual parliament. There is surely a grave inconsistency judge to deal with such case so brought under his in taking no account of the life of the professing cognizance, should proceed to compel him, by way Churchman, however bad it may be, and seeking to of " mandamus,” to do his duty. The abeyance exclude the Nonconformist-against whom it may and present discouragement of the other manner of be that all that has to be said is that he is a Nonspiritual discipline, that by judgment in Synod of conformist-from so much of Church membership heretical books, will be dealt with elsewhere. I as has belonged to him, and which he desires to re

The argument might be extended farther. It tain. It were better than this to return to the old might be shown in detail that, even in cases of actual days of civil disabilities and penal laws; for there legislation unfavourable to the well-being and effi- was then at least something like equal dealing, beciency of the Church, the primary cause of such cause there was such a thing as Church penance too. legislation has not been so much hostility ab extrà Those days cannot return. It is not to be desired, as some failure of the Church in respect of this or under any circumstances, that they should; no, not that portion of her mission and her office. This even with the revival of spiritual discipline within might be shown from the history of the abolition of | the Church. But it looks like a lingering desire to Irish Bishoprics, the appropriation of the property see them return to attempt to supplement the of Cathedrals, and the Divorce Act. It might be Church's failure by statute law. The Church of shown from other failures and losses in which legis- England can have no more to do with civil dislation has had no part: e.g. from those connected with | abilities, much less with penal laws. Within her the mismanagement of the Wesleyan revival in the | own pale she must needs guard her children against last century. But it is not necessary to pursue the teachers who hold her endowments but deny her matter, and certainly is not a grateful task. There teaching. This is essential to the life of every reis a great awakening to responsibilities, a deepening ligious body. Without her pale she accepts “resense of shortcomings and of opportunities lost: if ligious liberty” in its true meaning of the recognized Churchmen will only grasp and hold fast the prin freedom of the Nonconformist from all manner of ciple that the Church cannot suffer, except by coercion, and the admission on her own part not Churchmen's fault; if they will make profit of the only of the fact that it is impossible, but also of opportunities now presented to their hands by the the principle that, if it were possible, it is not good political and social circumstances of the time, all to coerce. will be more than well.

On the other hand, it ought not to be possible One happy résult at least would be that, in look- that the principle of a Bill, such as Mr. Bouverie's ing principally to ourselves for the causes of failure Bill, which includes a clause making it compulsory and distress, we should be less given to make com on a Bishop to violate the law of the Church, plaints of the action of the civil power. In truth, should receive that amount of sanction which is it is unwise, if it be possible, to separate into its implied in its being read a second time in the component parts the complex notion of Church and House of Commons, to whatever extent it may have State in such sort as to assign to each its precise been in contemplation to amend it in Select Comshare in any given act of public policy. And, in-mittee. Sir Morton Peto's Bill for “extending deed, when it is spoken of as two things in the rights of parishioners in parish churchyards," stead of as one thing compounded of both, this doubtless with the ulterior view of “extending” indicates a tendency to fall into the great mistake of them in parish churches also, is in one respect less viewing the Church as composed of the clergy only, objectionable, in that it is brought in by a Nonconand not of the clergy and the people. There are formist, and not by a professing Churchman. But doubtless some things in respect of which there is the question is not what the man is, or professes to a quicker jealousy of the direct action of the civil be, who brings in a Bill, but what Parliament does power; for example, the appointment of Bishops by with it. This Bill, too, has been referred to a Select the Crown; and some Churchmen wish to see this | Committee, but without the justification which is appointment otherwise ordered. In this we cannot found in the other case. It includes a provision agree. A Churchman's business is, surely, not to call enabling a clergyman legally to dispense with obefor organic changes in Church and State, but so to dience to the Rubric in a primary point. assist, according to his gifts and opportunities, in What is not in the mind of the Church will not doing the Church's work for all men's good, that it be heard in her voice. Harshness of language and will be scarcely possible to make bad appointments. imputations of insincerity in those who differ are It is another question, and one which need not be no part of her preaching. That is never the purtouched in this place, whether any other manner of pose the best assured in itself, nor the steadiest in appointment would not be full of extreme difficulties, action, which is the loudest in complaint. To deand be of dangerous consequence to the peace of nounce Nonconformity and Roman Catholicism can the Church.

answer no good purpose, and the Church herself is Some Churchmen, again, want to see the line be- not free from blame in either case. But it is as tween Church members and Nonconformists more much our duty to protest and to guard against a spudefined than it is now. In this, again, we cannot rious Nonconformity and Roman Catholicism as it agree. On the contrary, it seems abundantly plain is against a spurious Churchmanship. Religious that nothing could be devised more harmful to the antagonism is one thing, political antagonism is Church, and more destructive of her national cha- | another. It may not be easy in a country where racter: and certainly, in the absence of spiritual there is a Church established by law to keep the two

defined the orch memn again, w

n of wh depends how the which if the

apart and distinct, but it should always be the aim is the most pressing, if not the most important, on either side. The National Church may not con- question of the day; and it is the one upon the socede equality instead of toleration. She cannot ac- lution of which the balance of power in Parliament cept, in place of the religious nonconformity of now mainly depends. A glance into the history many conflicting denominations, the merging of all of the past will show how the matter stands. religious differences in a general conspiracy against The hopeless confusion into which the Whig Adher national existence. She cannot accept compre- | ministrations had brought the finances of the country hension of creeds instead of religious liberty. In so before 1841, was one of the principal causes which far as she does any one of these things deliberately led to Sir R. Peel's being called to power. Sir R. she is unfaithful to her trust. In so far as she Peel's measures restored the proper balance between allows herself to be betrayed into them, or any one income and expenditure, and up to the time of the of them, she is not holding fast that she hath. To Russian war that balance was not seriously disturbed. win the Nonconformist and the Roman Catholic is The war led, of course, to an enormous increase in the truest praise. The Church may not despair of our armaments, and consequently in our expendiwinning even the political Nonconformist and the ture, and to a considerable addition to our debt. Roman Catholic, because it is her mission. In pro- | As soon as it was over, the necessity of reducing portion as she is faithful to her trust she will fulfil our establishments became obvious, and statesmen her mission. Assuredly there is such a thing as of all parties agreed that they ought to be brought conversion to primitive faith and Apostolic order, as rapidly as possible to a peace level. Upon this and to the true principles of government in Church point all parties, we say, were agreed; but there and State. The way to win is not so much to was considerable difference of opinion between reason upon the defects of opposing systems as statesmen in office and statesmen out of office as to to carry out our own in truth and love. It is the extent to which the reduction should be carby the heart much more than by the understand ried, that is to say, as to what should be considered ing that we must learn to approach the gainsayer. a peace level for the future. Lord Palmerston and Without the heart arguments to them are power- his colleagues were for keeping the establishments less; for ourselves they are not required; but | up, while Lord Russell, Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. rather, by fixing attention upon others, take off the Gladstone, being all out of office, were for cutting edge of keen perception of our own deficiencies. them down. It is probable that if nothing unexNeither is it the true way of defence. The true pected had occurred the views of the economical way of defence is, having faith in the position as party would have prevailed. But just as the crisis being not of human foundation, to lay out and ex- of the struggle was approaching a series of events tend our building on every side, and to watch took place which materially disturbed the process anxiously and painfully lest any portion of it, as of of Retrenchment. Before the country was well out a thing committed to our trust to keep and to en- of the Russian war it had plunged into a war in large in all its strength and beauty, be allowed to | China, and a war in Persia. Before these were concrumble under our hands. This is the Church's cluded the great Indian mutiny broke out; and bework; and the work will be done the more her fore the effects of that disaster had passed away a clergy and her people press onward and upward great war commenced upon the Continent, in which through the ice and snow of worldliness and sloth, it was highly probable that England would have bearing on high the word written on her banner by sooner or later to engage, and which, at all events, no earthly hand—the word which tells at once of imposed upon her the necessity of arming in her their calling, their answer, and their reward-Ex own defence. The danger was happily averted ; CELSIOR.

but though the country escaped an European war, it was compelled to undertake another contest in

China. Lastly, upon the close of the Chinese war Retrenchment.

we have had to make provision against possible

hostilities with America. Thus one event crowding JHE common observation that a day which | upon another has prevented the accomplishment of o pens too brightly is generally overclouded the task to which at the conclusion of the Russian war

before its close is one that must often we had been addressing ourselves, that of reducing occur to a Minister at the commencement of what our armaments to a proper peace establishment. is called a quiet Session of Parliament. Few Ses- Meanwhile we have felt the consequences of this sions have been so tranquil as the present, and there prolonged interruption of a necessary work in the has seldom been a time when Ministers have had disorder of our finances, the weight of our taxation, less of opposition to encounter; yet slowly and and, which perhaps is the most serious consideration surely their position has been changing for the of all, in the unhinging of our minds, and the forworse, and they are now visibly less strong than mation of a habit of reckless expenditure of which when Parliament met, while embarrassments are in- it is very difficult to get rid. The cause of politicreasing and storms are brewing around them. cal changes has greatly tended to aggravate the evil.

The symptoms of this change are various, but Lord Palmerston, the impersonation of the policy we shall at present content ourselves with noticing of expense, has upon the whole maintained an one of them. The most remarkable feature of the ascendancy over the mind of the country such as actual political situation is the attitude in which no minister has been able to exercise since the fall the two great parties that divide the country now of Sir Robert Peel. Of his three chief opponents, stand to each other on the question of public eco- he has absorbed two, Lord Russell and Mr. Gladnomy, and of the necessity for Retrenchment. It stone, into his ranks, and has made them the,


Yol before its at the comme

ome to a check... time it honourain has not kn

perhaps unwilling, instruments of a policy very different from that which they advocated in 1857. Mr. Disraeli indeed has, to some extent, maintained his independence, and when in office, in 1858,

Church-Rate Division. made an effort, not wholly unsuccessful, to reduce our expenditure to a moderate standard; but the weakness of the administration, unsupported by a

BOLITION is dead: self-exemption is majority in Parliament, and the disturbing circum

dead. Self-exemption' meant compromise, stances of the European war of 1859, prevented

and compromise meant self-exemption, and his doing much to stay the tide. Since 1860 the so compromise is dead: nothing can be done but financial measures of Mr. Gladstone have greatly upon the responsibility of Government; so private stimulated the mischief by inducing the public to bills are dead : a pretty good riddance of parliamenbelieve that they could at one and the same time tary rubbish for one night's work. It is wonderful bear a large expenditure and make large remissions how much nicer the place looks now that it has been of taxation.

cleaned up. At length we have come to a check, and the It is a pity that Mr. Estcourt, whose name is country is beginning to see, what in a short time it honourably associated with all this slaughter and will see much more clearly, that Retrenchment is purification, has not known where to stop. After absolutely necessary, cannot be much longer de- so gallant a defence, a retreat within the walls would layed, and must not be trifled with. That this have been both glorious and wise. But this ardent conviction would ultimately force itself on the recruit from the ranks of self-exemption could not public mind was certain. The time and mode in so he content. which it would be admitted, and the effects its re- We remember a poor woman whose gratitude cognition would produce were uncertain. It is a very to the village doctor was not measured only by happy circumstance that the Conservative statesmen his kindness, which was great, but rather by the have taken the initiative in dealing with it, for, had quantity and rapid succession of his prescripthey left the question to be brought forward by the tions. “I do believe, sir, he has given me all the Radicals, it would have been put in a shape, and physic as is in his shop.” Upon this rule the Church its discussion would have been attended with conse- of England should be very grateful to practitioners quences, most injurious to the interests of the in town and country, young and old. For, certainly, country. Between judicious measures of Retrench- there is no symptom even of the most trifling inment, adopted from conviction in the spirit of the disposition which is not attended to with the most Duke of Wellington's Government in 1829, and solicitous kindness, and with every variety of treatbrought forward by a great party warmly attached ment. They are at her bed three deep; some with to the institutions of England, and a hasty onslaught knife and saw ; some with plaister and blister; some upon our establishments, conducted by men who with potion and pill. The poor woman died; the would gladly make economy a plea for the destruc- Church lives: but we suspect she would recover tion of much that we hold most dear, there is all sooner if the doctors left the room, and gave her the difference that exists between repair and demo more air and less physic. lition. The extreme Radicals have long had the This is for those who desire to see the Church will, but they have lacked the power, to do mis strong and well. There are others of the doctors chief. Had they been enabled to place themselves who have an interest the other way, and can hardly at the head of the Retrenchment movement, at the be expected to take our advice. moment when that movement is about to become If ever there was a contest thoroughly fought popular, they would have gained the power they out and decided, it has been the contest on Churchhave so long wanted. The Government, by rate. The very success of the assailants, for some their inconsistent and vacillating policy, had nearly sessions, in the Lower House of Parliament, was made them masters of the situation. Mr. Gladstone necessary to give to their ultimate defeat its peculiar in his Manchester speech had distinctly invited significance, and to stamp the decision of the them to act. If we escape a great danger it will House with the character of finality. Never was be because Mr. Disraeli had the acuteness to per- the power of organization better displayed than in ceive the opportunity which was given to his party, | the campaigns of the Abolitionists. Backed by and the courage to act upon his perception, even at not a tenth part of the English people, but admithe risk of a little momentary unpopularity. As a rably drilled, and drawing to its support the Irish matter of party tactics the step was a most able Roman Catholic members, this indefatigable minoone; but that is a very subordinate consideration. rity for a time obtained an ascendancy in the House It is a step which, if boldly followed up, may prove of Commons. It is one of the incidents of an most advantageous to the interests of the country. establishment, and, in itself, a happy incident, that One only caution let us give. The path has been it is very difficult to move. But this tendency chosen, and they who have chosen it must walk in may be in excess. There is a lesson here which, we it without faltering. If when they have the power | trust, Churchmen and lovers of the Constitution they hesitate to give effect to that which they now will never forget. Their apathy all but proved declare to be necessary, they cannot escape a day fatal to their cause. Even now they cannot be said of heavy reckoning. The fortunes of the Con to have put forth their full energies; and certainly servative party for many a long year depend upon they do not yet know their full strength. They the use they now make of the opportunity which have had to fight this battle as if with one of their circumstances have afforded them.

hands tied: their remissness lost them all the waverers, and many of their natural allies. They made a | in its true light by the great mass of the English terrible mistake in allowing the enemy to push for- | people. ward his approaches so long unresisted. They Mr. Bright, but “surely in vain the net is allowed the banner of the Church to lie so long spread in the sight of any bird”—wants what he is furled that many thousands in the constituencies, pleased to call a « compromise.” Of what? Of and dozens of members of the House, naturally English freedom. Of the right of English parishes gave up their cause as lost-as one to which the to tax themselves. Of the right of the parochial Church herself was indifferent—and enrolled them- authorities to take measures for the maintenance of selves, many of them reluctantly, in the ranks of the the parish churches. It is a blow aimed at that Abolitionists. The consequences have been serious best and oldest basis of English liberty—the right and the traces will not easily be erased. The men of local self-government. And what purpose would who have so often voted against Church-rate can- a compromise serve? If a compromise were either not soon release themselves from the pledges which admissible or possible in this case, which indeed it they have so often given upon the hustings, and is not, what would it do? Would it satisfy the acted upon in the House. We trust, then, that the enemies of the Church ? Would it be regarded as guardians of the National Church will never again | a final settlement by the party which has voted and be found asleep at their posts. Never, henceforth, clamoured for the abolition of Church-rate ? Not let them forget the wisdom of resolutely withstand at all. Compromises have been offered freely, and ing the beginnings of evil. They may rely upon it as scornfully rejected. Not on points of detail, their adversaries will always find work for them, in but because compromise of any kind, we were told, one shape or other; and even upon this question of was out of the question. Some Churchmen, strainChurch-rate, let them bear in mind that the least ing liberality beyond what it could legitimately bear, relapse of energy or vigilance on their part—the and to the destruction of that which they proposed least paltering with the great principle of upholding to save, were willing to provide exemption for the Establishment as the Church of the nation all who professed to have conscientious scruples cannot fail to be attended by consequences deplor against paying the rate. But every proposal of able for the present generation, and fatally disas- concession was scouted. It was not a point of trous in the future. If we would save the citadel, conscience, we were told, it was “ a question of suwe must defend the outworks.

premacy.” This settles the matter. The oppoIn another point of view the Church-rate contest nents of Church-rate have cut even the loose and has furnished a lamentable example—perhaps the shifting ground of “compromise" from beneath most remarkable of the many on record-of the their own feet. readiness of the chiefs of the once great Whig The House of Commons has not only rejected party, so full of anxious care for the Church of the Abolition Bill by a majority of one, in a England in 1688, to sacrifice alike their principles House, including pairs, of 610 members, but has and their predilections for the sake of obtaining pledged itself against any such Bill by a majority a momentary success; for the sake of gaining the of seventeen. It is a good position. Two things support of a revolutionary faction, by the help of only can damage it. Slackening of exertion out of whose votes they might replace themselves in Parliament; unwise and ill-concerted moves in Paroffice. It was not until out of office, in 1859, that liament. We trust that Mr. Estcourt may be perthe Whig chiefs recorded their votes in favour suaded to withdraw his resolution. He has reof the abolition of Church-rate. Then, for the deemed his pledge. At this juncture any resolufirst time, they sold themselves on this question to tion is out of place. This particular resolution is the inexorable revolutionists who sit below the open to the gravest objections. It is, moreover, so gangway. The Radicals saw their opportunity, loosely worded that it is not easy to say of a good and made the most of it. The Whig chiefs hun- | deal of it what it does mean, and what it does not gered for office, but Mr. Bright and his friends shrewdly refused to co-operate with them in driving out the Tories until they had exacted a goodly price for their aid. The price was paid—again and again

The Civil War in America. the Whig chiefs have had to follow Mr. Bright into the lobby; but the bargain now proves to have been a bad one. There are political compacts not

AF in Europe the political horizon is someunlike those said to have been made by the sorcerers

what clouded, if one country is agitated of the dark ages, who sold themselves to the evil S by a revolution actually in progress, if a one for the sake of obtaining powers greater than second is threatened with extensive revolt, while in belonged to them, but which compacts, however others even well-meant and judicious reforms, by shrewdly made, always proved fatal in the end. unsettling the minds of the people, are embarrassing The Whig Ministers may repent of this monstrous their own rulers, and perplexing the anticipations of treason to the Church, but they will be held to surrounding countries; these difficulties, great and their bargain. The factitious power which they so sad as they are, fade into nothing when compared shamelessly bought can no longer save them; their with the state of affairs across the Atlantic, where momentary success has been swept away before that the most terrible evils that can afflict a people are mightiest of political forces — the rising tide of exercising uncontrolled dominion. public opinion, and, by what is mightier still, the It is now something more than twelve months force of truth. The time is near at a hand when since the great Republic of the United States was this betrayal of Church and State will be regarded suddenly torn asunder by the renunciation on the


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