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afforded by the temporary suspension of legal government, to indulge with impunity the malignant diposition of their hearts, would be highly unjust. For when, by the formidable machinations of the conspirators, government was once driven to the lamentable necessity of such a plan of counteraction as involved in it aninterruption of the ordinary course of justice, and the arming of those who pretended to be friends of Government with a kind of discretionary power, (what sort of friends some were, I have already hinted) to regulate the conduct of these, or to determine how far the outrages committed by some of them were the effects of private malice, general malevolence, or unaffected zeal in a weak and ignorant mind, was utterly impossible for ministers, remote as they were from the scenes of action.

Instances of useless outrages were innumerable, yet some for elucidation ought to be given. A protestant clergyman passing through a place near Newtownbarry, on the twenty-fifth of May, saw a multitude of women and children supplicating on their knees an officer of the NorthCork, for permission to save some of their effects out of their cabins which were set on fire. This was brutally refused, and the clergyman who wished to intercede, found a hasty retreat necessary for the safety of his person from the officer and his men. In the battle of Enniscorthy, three days after, this gallant officer could no

where be found, while the clergyman performed the parts of both a steady officer and an intrepid soldier. This officer, like many others, committed this act without authority from a superior, or information received by himself. Such were matters of amusement to too many."

*

Why a military chief governor of well known abilities and judgment, when a military government was an inevitable expedient, was not appointed by the British ministry, I cannot pretend to know. Such a man would have arranged the army to the best advantage for the protection of the innocent, the coercion of the

* The following is an extract of a letter which I received from a brave officer, who acted a worthy part throughout the rebellion." It is a painful recollection that the records of past ages will not influence the transactions of the present generation, The ultimatums of all rebellions have enabled us to ascertain the violent methods by which the conduct of the actors has been influenced. Private piques have been revenged, party distinctions have raged with uncontrolled fury, and yet more dreadful than all, the devil gets his opportunity of swaying the minds of his friends, and gives them permission to perform acts worthy of his hellish machinations." I believe that this brave man's mind was impressed, while he wrote, beside other horrors, `with that of a flogging, given by order of Lord Kingsborough, to two men on suspicion of their being rebels, on what grounds, none except his lordship knew. While the drummers were eutting the backs of these miserable men, his lordship was employed in throwing salt into the cuts; nor were their wounds allowed to be dressed for twenty-four hours, notwithstanding the pressing remonstrances of the surgeon,

guilty, and consequently the prevention of armed rebellion, with its horrible concatenation of evils. Of the erroneous equipment of the yeoman force I have already spoken; also of the smallness of the body of soldiery sent for the protection of the county of Wexford. Concerning the experience and discipline of the commander of this body, I choose to be silent. If by the assurances of the earl of Mountnorris, contrary to the report of its magistrates, government had such reliance on the loyalty of this county, as to think any considerable force unnecessary for the conservation of its peace, why was the system of terror extended to it, when that, in such a case, would be also unnecessary? Coercion properly attempered and supported may prevent rebellion, where every arrangement is made for its eruption; otherwise it may cause rebellion where none is intended. Some counties more organised than that of Wexford remained in quiet, while civil commotion was raging elsewhere with its woful concomitants.

That, when once insurrection took place, it was attended with devastation and massacre, was naturally to be expected from the previous exasperation of men's minds, and the deepsmothered sense of severities, inflicted on some by authority, and in that case often justly; but on many others wantonly, by individuals vested with no other authority than what the affectation

of a violent zeal confers on the most worthless in such a state of affairs. If I were asked, whether I thought that the rebellion would have been less bloody, if no unnecessary or wanton cruelties had been previously practised, I should answer, that if it had taken place under such circumstances, I should suppose it would have been attended with much less cruelty in its commencement; but that in case of continued success on the side of the insurgents, and confidence of being finally victorious, it would in its progress have become completely sanguinary and cruel, from causes operating in all successful insurrections of the populace, combined with nefarious prejudices of religion, diametrically opposite to the genuine spirit of Christianity. Desinging villians, by the affectation of a flaming zeal for their cause and religion, would raise themselves into the notice and estimation of the ignorant multitude; and having no other means of selfpromotion, would indulge at once their ambition and malignity, by instigating the rabble to acts of atrocity against all whom they should think fit to denounce as concealed enemies, or obstacles, to the grand scheme of revolution. Thus would the protestant leaders, and protestants in general, have been first put to death; next after these, any Roman catholic chiefs of moderation and spirit who might vainly endeavour to promote a liberal plan of revolution; and afterwards all

others who should prove obnoxious to the reign. ing demagogues. In the local and short-lived insurrection in the county of Wexford, this tendency of affairs was so evident to Bagenal Harvey, and other protestant leaders, that they considered their doom as inevitable, and even some Romish commanders expressed apprehensions. Thus Esmond Kyan, one of the most brave and generous among them, declared to Richard Dowse, a protestant gentleman of the county of Wicklow, whom he had rescued from assassins, that his own life was irredeemably forfeited; for if the rebellion should succeed, his own party would murder him, and if it should not succeed, his fate must be death by martial law; which happened according to his prediction. Even Philip Roche, whose character, as a priest, might be supposed to insure his safety with his own followers, made a similar declaration to Walter Greene, a protestant gentleman of the county of Wexford, whose life he had protected.

Το suppose that the insurgents were all alike sanguinary or prone to cruel deeds, would be as little conformable to truth as to probability. Many of even the lowest were men of humanity; but amid so wild an agitation, so furious a commotion, the modest and feeble voice of compassion was drowned by the loud and arrogant clamour of destruction to enemies! revenge on the bloody range dogs! Among the loyalists, whoever

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