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And this, be it remembered, has been the fruit of intellectual exertion! The triumph of mind! What a proud testimony does it bear to the character of our nation, that it is able to make a proper estimate of services like these? That while, in other countries, the senseless mob fall down in stupid admiration, before the bloody wheels of the conqueror-even of the conqueror by accident-in this our people rise, with one accord, to pay their homage to intellect and virtue ? What a cheering pledge does it give of the stability of our institutions, that while abroad, the yet benighted multitude are prostrating themselves before the idols which their own hands have fashioned into kings, here, in this land of the free, our people are every where starting up, with one impulse, to follow with their acclamations the ascending spirits of the great fathers of the republic' This is a spectacle of which we may be permitted to be proud. It honors our country no less than the illustrious dead. And could these great patriots speak to us from the tomb, they would tell us that they have more pleasure in the testimony which these honors bear to the character of their country, than in that which they bear to their individual services. They now see as they were seen, while in the body, and know the nature of the feeling from which these honors flow. It is love for love. It is the gratitude of an enlightened nation to the noblest order of benefactors. It is the only glory worth the aspiration of a generous spirit. Who would not prefer this living tomb in the hearts of his countrymen, to the proudest mausoleum that the genius of sculpture could erect!

Jefferson and Adams were great men by nature. Not great and eccentric minds "shot madly from their spheres" to affright the world and scatter pestilence in their course, but minds whose strong and steady lights, restrained within their proper orbits, by the happy poise of their characters, came to cheer and gladden a world that had been buried for ages in political night.They were heaven-called avengers of degraded man. They came to lift him to the station for which God had formed him, and to put to flight those idiot superstitions with which tyrants. had contrived to inthrall his reason and his liberty. And that Being, who had sent them upon this mission, had fitted them, pre-eminently, for his glorious work. He filled their hearts with a love of country which burned strong within them, even in death. He gave them a power of understanding which no sophistry could baffle, no art elude; and a moral heroism which no dangers could appall. Careless of themselves, reckless of all personal consequences, trampling under foot that petty ambition of office and honor, which constitutes the master-passion

of little minds, they bent all their mighty powers to the task for which they had been delegated-the freedom of their beloved country, and the restoration of fallen man. They felt that they were apostles of human liberty; and well did they fulfill their high commission. They rested not till they had accomplished their work at home, and given such an impulse to the great ocean of mind, that they saw the waves rolling on the farthest shore, before they were called to their reward. And then left the world, hand in hand, exulting as they rose, in the success of their labors.

70. ADDRESS IN BEHALF OF THE GREEKS.-Lacey.

The

The calamities of unhappy Greece are not only great, but without a parallel. Collect, my brethren, for a moment, the powers of your fancy, and fix them on that afflicted country. What a sad and revolting spectacle stands before you! warrior repairs to the field of battle, not like his adversary, in "the pride and pomp, and circumstance of glorious war"-but in the deep miseries of poverty and consuming care: the matron and her lovely daughter are torn from the sanctuary of their home, driven into hopeless captivity, or forced into lonely deserts to subsist on acorns, and seek a shelter from the storm, in the caverns of the earth: the lisping infant, clinging with convulsive grasp to its flying mother, is overtaken by the savage Turk, and slaughtered without remorse; a country once verdant with vines, and olives, and generous crops, is blasted by the breath of war, and left "without agriculture, without commerce, and without arts:" the traces of a desolating foe are marked, not only on the site of lamented Scio, on the ramparts of Ipsara, Missolonghi, and the Acropolis; but in every city, and village, and hamlet, and portion of this devoted country. The winds which sweep along the fields, once blooming with groves, sacred to the muses, and over the ruins of temples erected for the arts and sciences, bear on their wings the sighs of expiring widows, and moans of vanquished heroes, and the beseechings of starving infants! And do you not, in the view of such a picture, yield to pity? Oh, can there be a heart so hard, as to remain unmoved by scenes so sad as these? No, exclaims the philanthropist all-all I have, is at the service of this afflicted country!

And will not the scholar respond in the same notes? I am sure he will. There is not a living soul, who ever reveled on the creations of inspired fancy, or hung enchanted upon the

strains of oratory, or followed with swelling and delicious admiration the flowing periods of eloquence, or beheld the magic transformation of the chisel, or the enrapturing beauties of the pencil, who does not feel himself indebted to unhappy Greece. Oh Greece! Venerated and beloved Greece! Often have we,

kneeling at thy shrine, rendered the homage of admiration to thy transcendent genius! It was thy maternal bosom that nourished him, whose immortal song has been the wonder of the world;— him, whose voice shook the throne of Macedon, controlled the passions of fierce democracy, and perpetuated to the present moment the power and soul of eloquence ;-him who bodied forth forms of beauty from the rugged rock, and gave them, as it were, sentiment and feeling;-hini whose moral science the virtuous still revere :- -"For her seat is the bosom of God, and her voice the harmony of the world."

Say, then, ye men of letters-shall Greece be given up ?— Shall the Turk still pollute the soil sanctified by the brightest genius? desecrate the groves, the temples, and the porticoes, from which have issued living streams that have often laved and refreshed your souls? extinguish the etherial fire which quickened the mighty minds of Burke, and Chatham, and Adams, and Henry? Oh, ye who boast of refined and elevated minds, prove I beseech you, the reality of your pretensions, by contributing to the redemption of a country, from whose brilliant genius you have derived your brightest ornaments.

But the contributions of men of letters will not suffice. I would, if possible, render the resources of heaven and earth tributary to afflicted Greece. Permit me, then, to address the

friends of freedom.

But for whom do I address them? For the high-born sons of Leonidas, of Themistocles, of Aristides, of Epaminondas! And for what do I address them? For the emancipation of the Greeks.

Oh, ye friends of liberty! ye who have been nursed in the lap of freedom, and cradled in the storms of emancipation, will you not contribute to the release of such a people? Will you look on, without concern, and see the sons of Sparta, of Athens, of Thermopyla, crushed beneath the sceptre of the Porte? Will you make no effort for their redemption? Shall they still bend their neck to the cruel yoke for the want of your assistance? Oh, if this be the fact, the time will come, when you will repent of your present apathy. When the sighs of expiring hope, the clank of chains binding the Greeks to the car of tyranny, shall be wafted over the wide wastes of the Atlantic, and sink into your reluctant ears, you will lament, (but, alas!

too late,) the inglorious supineness which had led to this result. If the cause of Greece be lost, the cause of liberty will suffer. In permitting this event, you will descend from your high position, and commence a preparation for servitude and chains. When the Greek republic shall have ceased its struggles, and sunk into the iron grasp of Moslem tyranny, the current of civil liberty will not improbably change its course and the chill of death, striking to the heart of freedom, com mence the dissolution of our own government.

71. REPLY TO MR. WEBSTER, IN SENATE, 1830.-Hayne.

When I took occasion, Mr. President, two days ago, to throw out some ideas with respect to the policy of the government in relation to the public lands, nothing certainly could have been further from my thoughts, than that I should be compelled again to throw myself upon the indulgence of the senate. Little did I expect to be called upon to meet such an argument as was yesterday urged by the gentleman from Massachusetts. Sir, I questioned no man's opinions-I impeached no man's motives -I charged no party or state, or section of country, with hostility to any other; but ventured, I thought, in a becoming spirit to put forth my own sentiments in relation to a great question of public policy. Such was my course. The gentleman from Missouri, it is true, had charged upon the eastern states, an early and continued hostility towards the west, and referred to a number of historical facts and documents in support of that charge. Now, sir, how have these different arguments been met? The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, after deliberating a whole night upon his course, comes into this chamber to vindicate New-England; and instead of making up his issue with the gentleman from Missouri, on the charges which he had preferred, chooses to consider me as the author of those charges, and losing sight entirely of that gentleman, selects me as his adversary, and pours out all the vials of his mighty wrath upon my devoted head. Nor is he willing to stop there. He goes on to assail the institutions and policy of the south, and calls in question the principles and conduct of the state which I have the honor, in part, to represent. When I find a gentleman of mature age and experience, of acknowledged talents and profound sagacity, pursuing a course like this, declining the contest offered him from the west, and making war upon the unoffending south, I must believe I am bound to believe―

he has some object in view that he has not ventured to disclose. Mr. President, why is this? Has the gentleman discovered in former controversies with the gentleman from Missouri, that he is over-matched by that senator? And does he hope for an easy victory over a more feeble adversary? Has the gentleman's distempered fancy been disturbed by gloomy forebodings of "new alliances to be formed,” at which he hinted? Has the ghost of the murdered coalition come back, like the ghost of Banquo, to "sear the eyeballs" of the gentleman, and will it not "down at his bidding?" Are dark visions of broken hopes and honors lost for ever, still floating before his heated imagination? Sir, if it be his object to thrust me between the gentleman from Missouri and himself, in order to rescue the east from the contest which it has provoked with the west, he shall not be gratified. Sir, I will not be dragged into the defense of my friend from Missouri ! The south shall not be forced into a conflict not its own. The gentleman from Missouri is able to fight his own battles. The gallant west needs no aid from the south, to repel any attack which may be made on it from any quarter. Let the gentleman from Massachusetts controvert the facts and arguments of the gentleman from Missouri, if he can; and if he win the victory, let him wear his honors; I shall not deprive him of his laurels.

72. REJOINDER TO MR. HAYNE, IN SENATE, 1830.-Webster.

The honorable member complained that I had slept on his speech. I must have slept on it or not slept at all. The moment the honorable member sat down, his friend from Missouri rose, and with much honeyed commendation of the speech, suggested that the impressions which it had produced were too charming and delightful to be disturbed by other sentiments or other sounds, and proposed that the senate should adjourn. Would it have been quite amiable, in me, sir, to interrupt this excellent good feeling? Must I not have been absolutely malicious, if I could have thrust myself forward, to destroy sensations thus pleasing? Was it not much better and kindlier, both to sleep upon them myself, and to allow others, also, the pleasure of sleeping upon them? But if it be meant, by sleeping upon his speech, that I took time to prepare a reply to it, it is quite a mistake: owing to other engagements, I could not employ even the interval, between the adjournment of the senate, and its meeting the next morning, in attention to the subje of

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