made by both parties. The "Proclamations" on the part of Austria, and the "Report of the French minister to the senate," together with a most interesting document detailing the conversations of the French Emperor on the subject, appear in our following pages. We are sorry that the length of the "Manifesto" from the Austrian court, but just published in this country, prevents it from appearing with the other official documents. The principal points, are, however, touched upon in the proclamations already mentioned, and the same spirit pervades the whole.

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With respect to the major part of the complaints of the Emperor of Austria, the justice of them is disputed by the French Emperor, who in return states his counter complaints. This indeed is only following the fashion of courts on similar occasions, whose memorials usually deviate from the real merits of the question, and are calcu lated to bewilder the reader amidst a variety of minutiæ, on which there may be something plausible urged on both sides. The Austrian Emperor may complain "of the manner in which the articles " of the treaty of Presburg were carried into execution; and of the " disadvantageous alterations with which they were ultimately at"tended :—of contributions levied after the arrears of military re"quisitions were paid-of a passage being afterwards demanded "by France for her troops from the Venetian states to the pro"vinces on the east coast of the Adriatic, through the Austrian ter"ritory-of the refusal to evacuate the fortress of Brannau on the " frivolous pretence of the procrastinated surrender of Catarro ;— "of the insults offered to the sacred head of the church; and lastly, "of the violent overthrow of the old Germanic constitution." Without inquiring whether the pretences of Austria or France are "frivolous" on these points, we have no scruple in affirming, that all of them united do not form a just ground for war, because they had all been previously discussed, and settled between the two courts, who afterwards professed the most sincere amity for each other. It is plain therefore, that the Austrian Emperor did not consider them as warranting a continuance, or a renewal of the war, at the time they were discussed; all these differences were adjusted, and peace and friendship were professedly re-established.

Neither are the complaints of the Austrian Emperor of the conduct of BONAPARTE towards other nations, however just they may be in certain cases, when weighed in the balance of equity and morality, to be urged as a ground for war. These principles have been disregarded in a greater or less degree by almost every court in Europe. There has been no government on earth less scrupulous in violating every principle of justice towards surrounding states, than that of Austria. We need only mention the plunder of Poland, and the coalition formed against France, at periods when both governments

were peaceably employed in forming constitutions on the principles of genuine liberty. The French Emperor whenever he is reproved by the Sovereigns of Europe for his injustice towards other nations, may indeed reply-He that is without sin among you, let him cast the first stone!

From the general spirit which runs through the proclamations and the manifesto of Austria, it is evident that the Emperor, however he might assent to the treaties which followed the victories of France, and by which his dominions were somewhat circumscribed, and himself deprived of the title and authority of head of the Germanic constitution,-that he was perpetually hankering after what he had so unwillingly surrendered, and watching his opportunity for their recovery, at least in some measure. His Majesty, appealing to his former "unsuccessful efforts to oppose a barrier 66 against the designs of France to overturn all independent govern"ments," observes," That what had frustrated his efforts was "notorious-That it was of moment to yield to necessity-That an "insulated and untimely resistance would have been then as assu"redly, and essentially calamitous to Austria, Germany, and "Europe, as at an earlier period the inactivity of other powers, "and their deplorable system of separation." These observations are intended as an apology for not maintaining a perpetual warfare with France; and it further appears, that as soon as a favourable opportunity occurred for renewing the war, it was embraced without loss of time. "The security of the Austrian empire," the courts of Europe are now informed, "cannot be sought in an "insulated state. It cannot be considered as separate from the "state of adjoining countries, and from the general condition and "constitution of the collected system of European state policy. "Austria cannot look with careless indifference upon the state of "those powers, more especially Germany, and Italy . . . . Next to "the duty of providing for the welfare of his subjects, and the

support of his throne, his Majesty will at ALL TIMES consider "those as the most sacred which spring from a sincere regard for "the repose, felicity, prosperity, and lawful freedom of his neigh"bours!" His Austrian Majesty therefore deeming the present a time peculiarly suitable for restoring the old governments, and "those lawful sovereigns who have been torn from the hearts of their "people," [the government, and the sovereigns of POLAND, are doubtless more particularly alluded to!] invites all surrounding states to assist him, and endeavours to animate them by the assurances— "A happier lot awaits you: the liberty of Europe has taken refuge "under our banners; your victories will loose its fetters, and your "brothers in Germany, yet in the ranks of the enemy, long for " their deliverance. You are engaged in a just cause, otherwise I

"should not appear at your head. . . . Our assistance is your "last effort to be saved. Our cause is that of Germany. United "with Austria, Germany was independent and happy it is only "through the assistance of Austria that Germany can receive happi"ness and independence !"

These quotations from the Austrian official documents afford a tolerable idea of the origin, the nature, and the design of the present war. It has for its basis, the principle of all the continental coalitions which have been formed for these twenty years past. The Austrian Emperor, or his ministers for him, acknowledge, that he very unwillingly, and as an act of necessity signed the different treaties of amity with France :-it plainly appears, that he has been constantly watching an opportunity of regaining his former dominions, and of restoring the old Germanic constitution of which he was the head; and that he eagerly embraced what he imagined to be the first favourable season for executing his projects.

The official documents published by France, like those published by Austria, contain a variety of complaints against the conduct of the latter; but as the major part do not constitute the ground of the war, it is unnecessary to discuss them. These documents, although they are written in that tone of superiority which a power, so often victorious, imagines it has a right to assume, contain a number of truths which come home to the bosoms of, not only the people of Germany, but the people of Britain. "The horrible "expedition against Copenhagen," and the "British orders of "council" are reprobated in the language they deserve; although the same remark may be applied to the French Emperor on this occasion, which we have already applied to his " royal brother" of Austria, when complaining of the conduct of France. Many of their mutual accusations are founded on those principles of justice, which have been violated in different degrees, not only by the two Emperors, but by all their "royal brothers" of Europe. Further documents are promised by France, " containing a complete account " of the incessant but unavailing efforts, which have been employed "during the last six months to bring back Austria to those senti"ments of confidence, and those pacific measures from which even "from regard to her own interest, she ought never to have "deviated." As the French Emperor has however, since been employed in fighting, instead of writing, and is thus convincing his unfortunate foe, by arguments the most terrible, and irresistible, the promised communications may probably be deferred till the doom of Austria is sealed. The dispatch of General Andreossi dated the 10th of August last, is curious, and well worthy the attention of our countrymen; although very few are acquainted with its contents, as it has escaped the notice of almost all the

public prints. Our readers in perusing it will find a specimen of the diplomatic talents of the French Emperor, and the arguments in favour of the system he has adopted towards Austria, comprised within a small compass, with considerable ability. The grand subject of complaint against Austria is the annunciation of her minister on the 2d of March last year, "that the Emperor his "master had given orders that his troops should be put upon the war establishment;" and to which the French minister was charged to answer-" That there was in fact between the two

courts, no source of difference, and merely to ask-What it was “that Austria required; and in case she was disposed to recede, "to announce that it was the wish of his Majesty that the nations of Europe might enjoy all the blessings of peace." The only, or at least the principal reason assigned in reply by the Austrian Emperor, was-" The armaments of France, which made that of "Austria necessary;" on which the French minister remarks, that " at the moment of assigning this pretence, the French Em"peror had evacuated Silesia, and the Duchy of Warsaw, and "that 200,000 of his troops had proceeded from Germany to *Spain." The minister adds-" No, it was by no means because "France had taken up arms, that Austria made her armaments; "but on the contrary, because she thought France was enfeebled "by another war, and deemed this a favourable moment for "regaining her ancient influence. Austria makes war, because "without a doubt she expects to gain by it; she makes war with"out any ground of complaint, without preceding it by any "demand, any proposal, or leaving any alternative. She makes "war at the very moment when your Majesty had offered to be "the guarantee of the integrity of her territory; at the very "moment that the Emperor Alexander himself, even while he declared to the Austrian minister his disapprobation of the "conduct of the cabinet at Vienna, renewed his offers to guarantee "that integrity against France.. It is therefore not for her "own security that she has had recourse to arms. The treaties "which her necessities had established, are no longer laws for her "own conduct. She says, they were made in the moments of "disaster, as if renunciations which victory had enforced were not "binding upon honour and good faith, even when the generosity "of the conqueror did not excite gratitude. The Austrian army. "has crossed the Inn: they have begun the war: the Austrian "general announced to the French commander that he is advancing, and that he shall treat any one as an enemy who opposes "his progress."

To the military preparations commenced by Austria a twelvemonth since, and to the orders for placing her armies on the war

establishment, may therefore be attributed the contest in which she is now most unfortunately engaged. Whether these circumstances, in themselves considered, form a sufficient ground for a declaration of war on the part of France, may admit of doubt, more especially in the minds of those who consider all war, but what is strictly defensive, to be unlawful: but surely there can be no doubt on the subject, in the minds of those who'commenced, and those who have uniformly supported the present war between Britain and France. The origin of that war it will be recollected was a message brought down by the minister of the day, Mr. ADDINGTON, to the house of Commons, in which "his Majesty thought it necessary to ac"quaint the house, that as very considerable preparations were "carrying on in the ports of France and Holland, he had judged it "expedient to adopt additional measures for the security of his do"minions." The false and delusive pretence was, indeed, shortly after fully demonstrated; and the "considerable preparations" were nade the subject of ridicule in the senate, even by the friends of ministers. But those who brought down the message, together with all those who approved of the war, must surely acknowledge, that the conduct of Austria in ordering her armies to be placed on the war establishment, that is to be increased to the number of 400,000 men, was sufficient, notwithstanding her peaceable professions, to warn the French Emperor of her ultimate designs. Those designs have been fully developed in her recent declarations, which render it evident that the conduct of Austria in the renewal of the war cannot be defended on the principles of JUSTICE.

The manner in which the Emperor of Austria has commenced the war, affords additional evidence of his slender regard to the principles of justice, and to the independence of states. In his public declarations he represents his increased armaments as absolutely necessary for the security of his own dominions. Had he remained on the defensive, his professions might have obtained credit. He further represents himself as the head and the protector of the German states." It is," he asserts, "only through the assistance of Austria, "that Germany can receive happiness and independence;" and adds, "that the liberty of Europe is taking refuge under his ban"ners." The recent conduct of the Emperor towards neighbouring states affords a striking illustration of the meaning of the words, "protection, Jiberty, independence, &c." when proceeding from the lips of a despot. The King of SAXONY, and the King of BAVARIA, have given a comment on this phraseology.-" Without a "declaration of war," (says the latter of these sovereigns)" with" out any previous explanation, our territory was invaded, and we "were compelled to leave our capital, which is now possessed by "the Austrian troops." Such is the "independence, the liberty,