king the States general, after giving directions to the people to choose men "worthy of this distinguished mark of trust, on ac "count of their integrity, and the superior abilities they are en"dowed with,” adds as follows:-" They shall be furnished with "proper instructions and sufficient power to propose, remonstrate, "advise, and consent to every thing that may concern the wants of the state, the reform of abuses, the establishment of a steady " and permanent order in every branch of the administration, the " general prosperity of our kingdom, and the welfare of all, and "each of our subjects." Had an inquiry of this kind been instituted a few years sooner, by commissioners from the old parliaments, it is not improbable that the government might have been reformed and preserved: but alas! the conviction of the necessity of refor mation came too late: the people were universally oppressed and universally discontented; and a corrupt court, a weak government, and servile parliaments could go on no longer: the season of peaceable reform was past; the revolution followed, and an astonished world has beheld, and is now beholding the tremendous consequences! "The Example of France," in too long delaying the work of reformation stands as a most awful" Warning to Britain." May that warning not prove in vain!

It is not only in the lower but in the upper house, that the patriotic spirit now reviving has alarmed both the ministerial and the anti-ministerial side; and if any thing could, after what we have witnessed, surprise us, it would be the language of Lord GREY in his speech on Friday last, on the conduct of ministers respecting the campaign in Spain. After exposing their blunders, his lordship concluded as follows:-"With this review of the conduct of ministers, of those who produced such calamitous result, how is it possible to attend to the cant of modern patriotism, that it is " of no consequence by whom the administration of our government "and resources is conducted.... How can it seriously be urged, "that it is the same thing whether the government be entrusted to "incapable persons or to able statesmen? I am really astonished "at the absurd extravagance of the doctrine into which men of ge"neral good sense, and good intenţions have been recently betrayed "upon this subject. To the principles of Reform, to a temperate, "intelligible, and definite reform, I have been always, and still "continue a friend. To promote that desirable object, was, I

contend, the study of the last administration; and I can answer for it, that no man is more friendly to such an object than my. “noble friend near me---Lord GRENVILLE."

What Lord GREY has here termed "the cant of modern patrio"tism," namely-"That it is of no consequence by whom the ad*ministration and resources of the government is conducted; whe

"ther by incapable or able statesmen," is the chimera of his own brain: : no one, we will venture to affirm ever made such an assertion: his " astonishment" may therefore cease at "the absurd ex"travagance of the doctrine into which," as he imagines, sensible and well intentioned men "have been betrayed on this subject." What they have said, and dear bought experience compels them to maintain is as follows:-That the people have been so often deceived by the professions of different parties, that such professions, unless their sincerity is proved by correspondent conduct, are no longer to be regarded. "Measures, and not men," are now the objects of popular attention. It is much to be hoped that Lord GREY himself may not apostatize from those excellent principles by which he has been distinguished during the greater part of his life, nor add to the sad experience of the people on this Subject: but the language we have quoted has the natural tendency to excite suspicions the most painful. It is true his lordship still professes himself a friend to the principles of Reform, or to what he terms "a temperate, intelligible, and definite Reform." On referring to some excellent speeches of the noble Lord's on the subject of a REFORM IN PARLIAMENT, when he was a member of the lower house, and an energetic and eloquent opposer of a minister, the major part of whose life he justly described "as forming ove "continued tissue of apostacy," we thought we perfectly understood Lord GREY: and that the reform for which he was so distin guished a champion consisted of two parts, a more FREQUENT, and a more EQUAL representation of the people: but when his lordship contends that this desirable object, "was the study of the "last administration," and when he pledges his word, "that no "man is more friendly to such an object than his noble friend Lord "GRENVILLE;" we confess that we feel some alarm lest Lord GREY should follow, at least in the present instance, the example of that unprincipled apostate, that scourge and curse of his country and of Europe, WILLIAM PITT.

To prove that our fears are not wholly without foundation, we beg leave to remark, that during the GRENVILLE administration, which lasted nearly a year and three months, not one of its members dropped a single hint respecting a Reform in Parliament; and that just after the dismissal of that administration, Lord GrenVILLE declared himself a decided enemy to the most essential part of a Reform-THE SHORTENING THE DURATION OF PARLIAMENTS.

In the debate on the address on the assembling of the new parliament, June 26, 1807, Lord GRENVILLE, alluding to the late dissolution, made the following observations." Various opinions

"had been circulated respecting the duration of parliament; for "his part he declared himself in favour of the SEPTENNIAL BILL, 66 as he considered the frequent appeals of ministers to the sense of "the people, when they found members not agreeable, would tend "to the embarrassment of public business, if not something worse; "a contempt of parliament, and the rendering of it an institution "burthensome to the people."

Is it possible that Lord GREY being acquainted with the sentiments of Lord GRENVILLE can assert "that no man is more "friendly to Reform than his noble friend?" If so, it requires no great penetration to discover, that Lord GREY himself has since his connection with his "noble friend," most materially altered his own sentiments on the subject. We may without hesitation affirm, that the man who can plead for that scandalous violation of the Constitution, the SEPTENNIAL ACT-an act which has proved one grand source of the corruption which in so many instances subsists between the electors and the elected, and of the profligacy which so peculiarly distinguishes the British nation at the period of a general election:-the man who can plead for the continuance of this disgrace to our Statute books ought to be held up to public view as the decided enemy of even the "most temperate, intelligible, and "definite Reform." The observations of Lord HOLLAND, in the debate to which we allude, are much to the point, and prove his lordship to be the real, and the consistent friend of the constitution. Alluding to the dissolution of the late parliament during its first session, his lordship observed-" These daily growing infringements of the constitution demand our most serious and "earnest attention. I, who think the influence of the crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished, am a friend "to FREQUENT appeals to the people, but not by means of disso"lution. LET PARLIAMENTS, INSTEAD OF SEPTENNIAL, BE TRIENNIAL, or I would not object to their being annual. Let "there be stated earlier periods for a recurrence to the sense of "the people; but if parliaments are to be threatened with dissolu"tion; and I maintain that the entrance of that misguided monarch "Charles I. into the house of Commons was not a more outrageous violation of the constitution than the threat of dissolu“tion used by a right hon. Secretary of State [Mr. CANNING] in "the late house of Commons; then parliament becomes subjected "to the crown, as many would then weigh in the balance a seat which they may instantly lose, and a seat for six years which will Inecessarily have an undue influence upon their votes.”* The evils arising from "the frequent appeals of ministers to the "sense of the people," complained of by Lord GRENVILLE, al

* Pol. Rev. Vol. II. p. liii. Pol. Reg. Vol. II. p. 7-16.

though the practice was sanctioned by his lordship during both the PITT administration, and his own, are to be attributed to the Septennial act; and whatever may have been the views of ministers in bringing about these dissolutions, they may be considered as so many confessions of the imperfection at least, of an act which permits the people to elect their representatives once only in seven years but it is one of the most striking evils of these extraordinary dissolutions,--that they are intended for the purpose of increasing the minister's majority in parliament, by securing what are called the government boroughs, always at the command of the cabinet for the time being, and many of which boroughs, are on a change, represented by the supporters of the old ministers, and who therefore are not supposed to be very friendly to their successors. This motive occasioned the dissolution of parliament, when Mr. PITT was first placed at the head of affairs; the same motive induced the Grenville administration to dissolve parliament when half its usual term was scarcely expired. Another evil arising from these sudden dissolutions is-the advantage taken by ministers at a season of popular delusion, caused probably by themselves, and which they are fearful may not last till the usual period of election: these various motives hurried the present ministry to dissolve a parliament, which instead of sitting seven years, had not sat more than half the number of months. In consequence of such sudden dissolutions, the people have no time for reflection on the past conduct of their representatives, and as little for selecting proper objects for their future favour. The elections on these occasions are generally hurried with all possible dispatch, one half being over in the course of a fortnight, and almost the whole in the course of a month from the date of the proclamation for dissolving the preceding parliament. TRIENNIAL parliaments would at once annihilate these evils; the people would be prepared for the stated return of the period of election; or should any extraordinary occurrence demand a dissolution, the crown by virtue of its just prerogative might effect the purpose by a proclamation. Whereas, as the case stands at present, ministers, as if somewhat conscious that their conduct, or the conduct of their supporters, would not stand the test of the public investigation, avoid giving the people. time for the purpose; and it is not a little remarkable, that during the present reign, scarcely a parliament can be mentioned, which was suffered to die a natural death; which was not by the minister of the day hurried to execution !

The expences attending a general election, which have occasioned the wreck of so many fortunes (some of which have been repaired out of the public purse,) and have been productive of such scenes of profligacy, such brutal excesses, would be considerably dimi

nished by shortening the duration of parliaments. Every candidate who purchases a seat calculates on the probability of holding it for nearly seven years: when the term cannot be prolonged to half that number, the seat cannot be worth so much by one half; the candidate would scarcely think it worth while to bribe the elector, when he must soon be compelled to repeat the bribe; and the elector by thus being free from temptation would probably consult his reason and his conscience in the choice of a representative, but which are now from corrupt motives, too frequently trampled under foot.

We have dwelt the longer on this part of the subject, considering it of the greatest importance, as the introductory step to a radical reform, and without which no reform can be radical. Whatever differences of opinion there may be amongst the friends to reform on this point, whether triennial or annual parliaments may be productive of the greatest good, we most sincerely hope these differences will not, for a moment, prevent the most cordial union between those who agree in the main. Every good man earnestly wishes for a reform of the abuses of our constitution, as the grand, and as the only effectual means of preventing its overthrow; and it is equally to be wished that this measure might be brought about with the sanction of a large majority of the nation, and of its representatives. Now, it is well known, that there are many worthy persons who are friends to some change, but who have their fears respecting what they term too great a change; and who might give their assent to the restoration of triennial, whọ would firmly oppose that of annual parliaments. The enemies of all reformation form a numerous and a firm phalanx; they sacri fice their lesser differences for the sake of promoting their grand object-the preservation of those abuses, by which they are enabled to fatten on the spoils of an oppressed and insulted nation. Let the friends of reformation consider it therefore as their incumbent duty to sacrifice their lesser differences for the sake of that noble object they have in view the public safety and welfare.

Some of the gentlemen of the house of Commons, who have not the effrontery, in spite of reason and common sense, to deny the existence of abuses, and the necessity of reform, still urge their fears of " indefinite" inquiry, and of the “ various schemes of inno"vators;" they, however express their willingness to promote what Lord GREY terms a " temperate, intelligible, and definite reform.” The proposed measure possesses all these qualities. It is "intel"ligible" to the capacity even of a child; it is “definite" to a point; and it is so perfectly" temperate," that instead of having the remotest tendency to excite popular tuinult, it has a tendency the direct opposite.