encroachments on their safety and independence.

"Although the uncertainty of all human events, and the vicissitudes attendant upon war, forbid too confident an expectation of a satisfactory issue to the present struggle a gainst the common enemy of Europe,, his Majesty commands us to congratulate you upon the splendid and important success which has recently crowned the arms of the Emperor of Austria, under the able and distinguished conduct of his imperial highness the Archduke Charles. To the efforts of Europe

for its own deliverance, his Majesty has directed us to assure you, that he is determined to continue his most strenuous assistance and support, convinced that you will agree with him in considering, that every exertion for the re-establishment of the independence and security of other nations is no less conducive to the true interests, than it is becoming the character and honour of Great Britain."

A commission for proroguing the parliament was then read; and it was accordingly prorogued to the 10th of August next.

AND THE PRESENT STATE

OF EUROPE.

A more momentous question than that of parliamentary reform has hardly ever been agitated in this nation; and it is now, I trust, agitated for the last time, though it may be some time before it is determined; because, now that the discussion is revived, it should never be dropped till it ends in the accomplishment of its purpose. The necessity for the measure increases every day in proportion to the obstinacy with which it is resisted by those who are interested in the continuance of abuses; and in proportion as the national burthens accumulate.

The great argument against a reform in parliament is that we have thriven, and do thrive, under the present system of administration, and therefore we ought not to change it for fear of losing the comforts we now enjoy, and introducing a system of mis-rule or anarchy. Is it true that our prosperity is the conse quence of the present system of government? Is it not rather the consequence of that portion of freedom

which neither the present administration, nor their great master PITT, have ventured to take away? Is it not the consequence of that energy and enterprise with which freedom ever animates the heart and faculties of man?-That we have thriven is a proof of our spirit and exertions, but no proof of the excellence of that system, which has heaped burthens upon our industry sufficient to damp the ardour of any nation less free, and less spirited than Great Britain: we have thriven too in consequence of the disturbed state of other coun tries, which it has been the diaboli cal policy of Pitt and his successors to foment and perpetuate, for their own interest. The enormous expences of a war which has been carried on for sixteen years, without gaining any one object which it pretended to embrace, and which if peace were signed to-morrow, would leave us more at the mercy of France than when it first began,-a war in which we have lavished millions upon our allies without improving either their condition, or our own:-such a war, if conducted on the same principles as hitherto, must

inevitably bring with it a national bankruptcy, and by squandering the means of resistance, leave us an easy prey to the power of France. To avert these evils, and all the unutterable calamities that must attend them, a reform in parliament, such as shall totally change the system of internal administration, and external policy, is our only, and last, and sure resource; and all they who tell us to the contrary are either most grievously mistaken in their judgment, or most basely prompted to deceive.

The existence of abuses is not denied either by the ministry themselves, or their once formidable adversaries, the old opposition; but then in order, if possible, to avert a radical reform, they deny that any reform can effect a diminution of the public burthens; and therefore, merely to satisfy the popular clamour, and to temporise with the prevailing spirit, they have shewn a disposition to consent to some trifling reforms, which can satisfy none but children or fools, and to lop off a few of the branches, when they ought to go to the root. In this light may be considered the inefficient bill of Mr. Curwen, which leaves that influence wholly with the aristocracy, which they now divide with the monied interest, and thus give the people one chance less to be well represented. When a thing is once proved to be radically wrong it is of no use tampering with it by chopping and changing, and putting it in different shapes: remove it wholly, or you do no good. The borough interest is the source of all our evils; and therefore the borough interest must be removed; and when this is removed, the whole system of administration will, it is to be hoped, be changed. The war, if war is unavoidable, may be conducted with less expence, and our internal affairs managed with that economy which becomes a people already

VOL. V.

weighed down with taxes so that the middle ranks are deprived of part of the comforts they have a right to enjoy from their industry, and the industry of their forefathers, which is now become their property.

To restore the lost balance of power on the continent, seems a bopeless attempt during the life of Bonaparte; and indeed if it is designed by that to restore also the different kingdoms to their former state, and to revive that unwieldy mass of tyranny called the German Empire, it is to be hoped that it will never succeed. While it is possible to believe that on the event of their success, the rulers of these nations would ameliorate the condition of their subjects, and concede to them political and religious liberty, I most heartily wish them to overturn the tyranny of Bonaparte; but one man, or one guinea, I would not send to their aid; because I am thoroughly convinced that no aid can be rendered to the Austrians, or any other power, without materially oppress ing and impoverishing the British empire. The nations on the continent are sufficiently powerful in wealth, population, and bodily strength, to resist the strength of Bonaparte, if they choose to exert themselves; it they do not, it is a proof that they prefer him to their present rulers. We have always been too fond of alliances with the governments of other nations, without ever considering the dispositions of the people; and thence we have engaged in many a hopeless struggle. Could we safely make peace with Bonaparte, it would undoubtedly be the most for our interest, but as that can never be till he is convinced he cannot conquer us either by force or by fraud, we must I doubt con tinue the contest for his life time at least: from his successors nothing is to be feared.-Considering this to be the case, a naval war is the only one in which we ever can en

3 s

gage with success; and for the sake of strengthing the resources of our marine, it would be well if we should court the alliance of those islands in the Mediterranin which at present groan under the most cruel and impolitic oppression. The present admistration is too fond of despotism to think of imparting the blessings of the British constitution, even in its present state, to any oppressed na

tion; but a more liberal government, it is to be hoped, will see the wisdom of Britainizing the islands of Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, Crete, and Cyprus. Before many months are over I trust something may happen to give us a hope of a more enlightened system, both of internal and external policy. I remain &c.

W. BURDON. Hartford, near Morpeth, June 18.

WHIG CLUB.

On May 11 there was a numerous meeting of the Whig Club, his Grace the DUKE OF BEDFORD in the chair; who, in the course of the day took orcasion to express, in the most unequivocal terms, his unalterable opinion that a reform in the representation of the people in parliament was essential to the salvation of the empire. Mr. William Smith expressed the same sentiments and Mr. Whitbread, in an animated speech, assured the members of the club, that those persons with whom in 1793, he had co-operated in endeavours to bring about a parliamentary reform (but in which they had been but feebly supported by the people) were still animated by the same eager desire, and now entertained better hopes of success. He expressed his complete approbation of the temper, wisdom, and practicability of the resolutions of the meeting for reform at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, on the 1st. inst. and declared his firm opinion, that pursuing with such temperance an object so legitimate, the friends of reform must speedily succeed.

The Duke of Bedford gave as toasts, "The Duke of Norfolk, and may the peers of Great Britain ever consider it as their first duty to maintain the privileges of the people."

"Mr. Byng, and the Independent . Freeholders of Middlesex."

"Mr. Alderman Combe, and the Independent Livery of London.”

"Lord Cochrane and Sir Francis of Westminster." Burdett, and the Independent Citizens

"A speedy and honourable peace." The very fine medal of the late C. J. Fox, by Mr Webb, was shewn in an adjoining room.

MAJOR HÖGAN'S PAMPHLET.

A short time previous to the charges brought against the Duke of York during the late session of parliament, a pamphlet written by Major Hogan, was published by Mr. Finerty, and passed through several editions (upwards of 10,000 were printed) the substance of which is as follows:

"After the usual length of fourteen years' service, seven of which was on foreign stations, (beside having in the recruiting service added 155 men to the 32d regiment) the major deposited the regulated sum for promotion, which was repeatedly promised but not granted him, although he saw above forty junior captains advanced over his head without purchase: this determined him, after a lapse of two years, personally to solicit his royal highness the commander in chief, whom he informed, that other ways" of ob taining promotion had been recommended to him, and that proposi tions had been made for a douceur

37

of 6001. to obtain for him a majority without purchase, but that as a British officer and as a man, he would not owe the King's commission to low intrigue or petticoat influence." The Major adds, "That the Duke of York" seemed astounded;" that he spoke not a word, and that he (the Major) accordingly retired. The Major after this being told by his friends that he had extinguished all hopes of promotion in his military career, sent in his resignation in the usual form. Major Hogan was to receive the sums which his commis sion had cost him, amounting according to the computation of Colonel Gordon to 1,1001. but in this the Major says that the 4001. which he had paid for his captain-lieutenancy had been omitted. On the evening of the first day on which the Major's pamphlet had been advertised, "a "lady in a dashing barouche with two "footmen," called at the newspaper office for his address; and that on the following evening the waiter at Frank's coffee-bouse delivered him a letter, which had been put into his hands by a lady who enjoined him to be careful in delivering it to Major Hogan, and instantly retired. The letter, which was thus received, inclosed bank notes to the amount of 4001. the sum which the major had paid for his captain-lieutenancy, and which Colonel Gordon had refused to allow in the sale of his commission. The letter expressed a desire that the major would suppress the publication of his pamphlet, and promised that such suppression should meet with a suitable reward!" Major Hogan left this country for America shortly after the pamphlet containing the above details was published. The publication excited considerable interest, more especially in the higher circles. The attorney general at length filed an information, not only against Mr. Finerty, but upwards of twenty of the publishers of different papers

who had inserted extracts from the pamphlet, with remarks which were deemed somewhat too free. Since, however, certain recent inquiries which have taken place in the house of Commons, we have heard nothing more of the said informations!

MRS. CLARKE.

So much alarm was felt at het threatened publication, that a compromise has certainly taken place'; and, after having incurred the ignominy of exposure, the truth of her statements have been confirmed, by buying up the written testimonies of guilt and weakness which she had in her hands.-The conflagi ation of the printed work took place at Mr. Gillet's house; he (the printer) received 15001. for his share of the indemnification. Mrs. Clarke received 10,000l. over the table; and she has an annuity secured to her, on the estate of a noble earl, once a minister, of 4001. a year on her own life, and 2001. a year on that of each of her two daughters-her son to be provided for. In consideration of all this, she gives up above ninety original letters, in which some anecdotes of the most curious nature, relating to certain personages, were detailed in a manner the most unceremonious. And also several confidential letters and applications from lords, ladies, and gentlemen of high fashion, that, if exposed, would have shewn at once the state of morals in upper life, and the purity of the system under which we live!-No mention is made who is to pay for this suppression; but John Bull will readily guess! Are there not grants for secret service annually?

A book, written on the subject of the Delicate Investigation,' by the present premier (relating to the Princess of Wales,) is also said to have been suppressed at an enormous expence, after it had been printed !