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cient to pay off 3,145,2001. issued per act 48th Geo. S, the remainder having been funded Excess of ditto, voted in the present session, after reserving sufficient to pay off 4,644,100). issued per act 48th Geo. 3, the remainder having been funded Exchequer bills on vote of credit

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Re-payment of sum advanced to Portugal

Loan

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Total.
Supplies.

Surpluss

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3,154,800

1,355,900

180,028 The loan which had been contracted for last year amounted only to eight millions, while the loan in the present year for Great Britain was eleven milhons. Yet the rate was more favourable in the present year.

was proper to state, that it was the opinion of government, they ought to be paid, and the vote of credit would furnish sufficient means for doing so.He trusted the house would be of opinion, under all the circumstance, that these bills ought to be honoured.

Lord H. Petty felt himself called upon, in consequence of what had been stated by the right hon. gentleman with respect to subsidies to foreign powers. If ever there was a period when the house 3,000,000 ought to act with caution on the principle of giving subsidies, it was the present. 150,000 As far as he could collect, it appeared 11,000,000 to be the right hon. gentleman's inten tion, in the mode which he had adopted, 47,718,052 in providing for the charge of the pre47,588,024 sent year, on the sum to be funded, to allow the war taxes to remain permanently burdened! He must hesitate on a greeing to mortgage that fund, without instituting a provision for redeeming it; for the consequence of such a practice would be, not only that in peace the extent of the taxation would surpass what they could bear, but that the very mcans and sinews of war would be gradually undermined and dried up. No .7.4 14 6 subsidy ought to have been advanced for the last twelve months. It was not indeed probable, that this money had served in a great measure to urge the unfortunate monarch who received it, to pursue his wild schemes and policy, and to lead to the overthrow of his government; and if any money was meant to be advanced to Austria, he begged to be exempted from those who would sanction any such advances, which he was convinced could not be of the least use to Austria, while it would be an injury to this country. But justly ap prehending that as soon as the enemy had sheathed the sword against Austria, he would turn his whole power against this country, which would have to contend against him single handed, requiring of course all its resources to maintain such a contest. Therefore he would deprecate the idea of disposing of any part of our means, unless with a certainty, or, at least, reasonable probability that they could be re-disposed of as to benefit the power to whom they were granted.

Rate of interest upon the loan of eight millions funded last year Rate of interest upon the loan of eleven millions funded in the present year 4 12 10 The comparative advantages which the public enjoyed in the loan of this year could not fail to afford the highest gratification, as it afforded the strongest proof of the stability of public credit. The total amount of stock created last year was upwards of 13 millions. The amount of stock created in the present year was upwards of 21 millions; and, though the amount for the present year was bigher, yet the rate of interest was lower, and more favourable to the public. The amount to be provided for would be about 1,140,000l. The right hon. gentleman observed, that, in order to provide for this, he would recur to the noble lord's (H. Petty) system, and charge it upon a portion of the existing war taxes, which would be pledged to the necessary extent. Though no for mal treaty had been made with Austria, she had ventured, without any authority however, to draw upon this country to a limited amount, and bilis so drawn by her had arrived at the treasury.These had not been paid till the fact was communicated to the house. But the fact having been communicated, it

Mr. Whitbread would have been much better pleased if the 600,000), stated to have been granted as a loan to the prince of Brazils had been at once presented as a gift, in order that

the people might clearly understand the transaction; for considering the situation, the means, and the prospects of this prince, he thought it quite childish to hold out the idea that any re-payment would ever take place, that one shilling of it would ever be received by this country. What were the prospects for Spain itself he could not pretend to say. But he did not wish to give up hope respecting Spain while life itself remained, and therefore he was not willing to tie up the hands of ministers on that subject. With the exception, however, of Spain, he could not see a spot in Europe where an English guinea would be of use to annoy the enemy. Respecting Austria he said that no good can be done by any effort of Austria now must be obvious. Had she indeed availed herself of Bonaparte's engagement in Spain, at the period when some French reverses inspirited the Spaniards, there might have been some chance that Bonaparte would have been considerably embarrassed, at least there would have been better prospects of success than could be calculated upon at the time Austria commenced hostilities, when in fact Spain was nearly subdued. Austria, however, had not only been defective in prudence in the commencemet of this war, but even in fidelity to engagements which should always bind a state, whether such engagements were formed with one party or another. Ministers, in fact, should have advised Austria not to engage in this war. They were not ignorant of her engagements and circumstances. It was well known that after the last war into which she had been dragged by the counsels of this country, she was reduced to the verge of ruin, and owed her escape and the reinstatement of her government solely to the will of the power with which she now so unwisely waged war. It might be said that there was no precedent for such an interposition in the concerns of a foreign government, as he would recommend on the part of ninisters. But he would not look to the file, as Mr. Burke said, for direction upon a new and extraordinary case. Had ministers no penetration, no statesinan like knowledge, to enable their minds to judge upon the propriety of interposing their advice on such an , occasion ? Were they to preclude themselves from offering advice either

to Spain or Austria, because there was no precedent for such an offer, there being no precedent simply because the cases themselves were unprecedented ? The hon. gentleman took a view of the impolicy and injustice of continuing the system of raising a revenue from lotteries; after all the evils they were known to occasion, the wretchedness, desperation, and suicide, to which they led. While laws were enacted to put a stop to" Little Goes," the "Great Go" was suffered to proceed without interruption-nay, with encouragement.

The poor, the desperate, and the vicious, were shut out from the "Little Go," the "Great Go" invited and received them with open armis. Such a practice ought to be utterly extin guished. Was it not then strangely inconsistent, that while parliament was restraining the operation of vice with one hand, it was encouraging it with the other. He remembered the case of a poor woman, who, unknown to her husband, disposed of the whole of his furniture for the purpose of insuring. The property was gone, the woman was distracted, and in her distraction revealed the misfortune to her husband

who then, with a magnanimity rarely to be equalled, forgave her. But she was too much affected by the sacrifice she had made, and possibly the forgiveness itself aggravated her affliction

she lost her reason, and is now in a mad-house. "Gracious God!" exclaimed Mr. Whitbread, " is there au Englishman to be found, whose heart is susceptible of any feeling connected with humanity, who would besitate to sacrifice the whole produce of the lottery, to recover the senses of this unhappy woman, and to restore her to the generous husband who is condemned to deplore her fatc."

[The demonstration of genuine feeling with which the hon, member related this melancholy fact, seemed very sensibly to affect the whole house.]

Mr. Ponsonby wished to know upon what proof the hon. gentleman rested the assertion that Austria broke faith with France. For his part, he was quite of a different opinion, and that Austria was in hostility against France, because France was bent on her de struction. But from what had escaped the hon. gentleman, it would seem that, in ascribing perfidy to Austria, fidelity was to be ascribed to the coun

cils of Bonaparte. The conclusion of his mind, however, was directly the reverse of that of his hon, friend. With respoet to lotteries, he had never any concern in them. He was adverse to the system. and would be ready to support any proposition for putting an end to its existence.

Mr. Canning expressed an entire concurrence in the sentiments stated by the right hon. gentleman who had just sat down, with regard to the principles and conduct of Austria. The hon. gentleman who preceded him had observed, that ministers ought to have advised Austria to abstain from the war; he would be glad to know upon what ground he could justify the offer of such an advice? the hon. gentleman must take a very strange view of the character of the French ruler, if he could suppose that any country could look to safety from being at peace with such a power. But an independent state in such a case was the best judge of its own views and circumstances. It was not for the government of this or any other nation to dictate to it. He could say that Austria was in no degree influenced to take the steps she did by any British interest. God forbid that any such attempt should be made. At the same time he must add, that as safety was not to be had from peace with France, he should, of course, regret to see a great nation like Austria attempt to seek it by tame submission and dastardly acquiescence. Upon the whole he thought Austria acted wisely in taking up arms, although he would not have thought it wise on our part to advise it.

Mr. Whitbread observed, that the right hon. secretary had, for the first time since his right hon. friend came into that house, paid him a compliment this night. What! was it to be understood that there was a treaty of subsidy with his right hon. friend?

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Mr. Ponsonby assured his hon. friend, that he valued not such subsidy. His object in rising before was, merely to correct what he thought a misconception on the part of his hon. friend-by charging upon France the bad faith which he attempted to fix upon the .counsels of Austria.

Mr. Wilberforce thought the speech of Mr. Whitbread the most forcible appeal he had ever heard made to that house.

Sir T. Turton expressed a hope, that the bills drawn by Austria on England, however great in amount, should be honoured.

[A discussion took place respecting the pernicious effects and evil practice of lotteries, in which Sir S. Romilly spoke pointedly, and all seem to deprecate.]

After a words from Mr. Scroope Barnard, the resolutions were agreed to, and the Report ordered to be received on Monday.

Mr. Rose brought in a bill for autho rizing the importation of American goods in American vessels into this country.-Read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday.

Monday, May 15.

Mr. Whitbread moved for the paper containing the appointment of Ch. Fred. Walter to the office of military store keeper of the Depot at Hyde Park. In bringing forward this motion, he stated it to be his intention to shew, that while there were many retired military officers, who would gladly accept of such a situation, this appointment, carrying a salary of 120l. a house, coal, candle, &c. had been conferred on one, who, he had no doubt, was very respectable in his line, but whose principal recommendation was, that he had been servant to a general officer.

Mr. W. Pole had no objection to the production of the paper called for. The appointment had taken place on his recommendation. He, therefore, begged it to be understood, that not Earl Chatham, but he (Mr. Wellesley Pole) was liable for this appointment, if there was any thing improper in it.

Mr. Whitbread said his object was not to impute blame to any person. He only meant to say that there were a number of retired military officers who would accept of such situations; and, if so, it was improper that they should not be so disposed.

The motion was then agreed to. Mr. Perceval obtained leave to bring in a bill for regulating the holidays at the excise.

Mr. Whitbread asked if it was meant to make any alteration in the stamp office department, and in what it was to consist?

Mr. Huskisson said such alteration was intended. It would consist of an

an increase of salaries, and an abolishment of all extra allowances.

enlargement of the hours of attendance, Mr. Croker, Mr. Fuller, Mr. Tierney, and Lord Folkstone, the committee divided: For the clause 31-against it 74.

Upon the order of the day for the further consideration of the Report upon the bill to prevent the sale of offices being read,

Mr. Ponsonby observed that there was a difference between the manner of appointing the masters in chancery in Ireland and in this country; such appointments being made by the crown in the one, while they were made by the Lord Chancellor in the other. In consequence of this difference, it had become a practice for such masters as were about to retire to dispose of their places for money. A case of this nature occurred while he had the honour to hold the seals, and being applied to, as usual, to sanction the sale, he hesitated,conceiving it rather extraordinary, that a place for the administration of justice should be sold for money. However, upon being informed of the custom, and that the person seeking to dispose of the place had himself bought it, he gave his consent, on condition that the place should not again be sold by the purchaser. Yet as the circumstance of such purchases on the part of other masters, created a case with regard to Ireland, to which the provisions of the bill should not in equity apply, he suggested the propriety of introducing a clause upon that subject. Mr. Perceval expressed his readiness to support a clause to meet the case referred to, and recommended the right hon. gentleman to propose it.

Mr. Ponsonby intimated his intention to do so.

Mr. Perceval then stated, that if it was the wish of any member to propose further amendments, he would propose a recommittal of the bill; and upon Lord Folkstone expressing his purpose to move an amendment, the bill was recommitted.

The noble Lord moved a clause that a reward of 5001. should, together with complete impunity, be granted to any person who should inform against such as should be concerned in violating the provisions of the bill. It was supported by Sir J. Newport, Mr. Tierney, and Lord Folkstone. Upon the whole, this clause was deemed by its advocates very material to give operation and effect to the provisions of the bill.

After some further observations from

VOL. Y.

The penalty against the convicted person was then fixed at not more than 5001. and not less than 501.

Tuesday, May 16.

The Speaker attended at the usual hour, and on counting the members, there were but 36 present; the house consequently adjourned.

Wednesday, May 17.

Mr. Maddocks informed the house that he wished it to be understood, that the name of Mr. Quintin Dick had not been made use of in the late investigation at that gentleman's instigation, or with his concurrence.

Mr. Foster said, he believed he was the nearest relation that Mr. Dick had in England. He had a letter from him which he wished to read to the house. The hon. gentleman then read the letter, which stated that the report of Lord Castlereagh's having desired him to vacate his seat, rather than vote against the Duke of York, was not true.

The house then went into a committee of supply, in which 600,000l. were voted for the prince of the Brazils. Thursday, May 18.

Mr. R. Ward, after briefly recapitulating, in a neat speech, the important services performed by the late gallant Capt. Hardinge, of the Piedmontaise, moved for the erection of a monument to his memory in the cathedral church of St. Paul, London. The question was carried in the affirmative, after a slight opposition.

The Attorney-general obtained leave to bring in a bill for a verbal amendment of the act of the 39th Geo. III. which respected seditious and treasonable societies.

On the motion of Mr. Curwen, the bill for preventing the sale of seats in parliament was read a second time.On the motion for its committal,

Mr. Perceval said he had several objections to particular parts of the bill, which he was afraid the hon, member would feel it difficult to do away, and without the removal of which he must ultimately feel himself called on to oppose it. He should state his objections now that the bon, mover might be prepared for them. First, he objected to the manner in which the of fence was described; secondly, as to 30

the manner of punishing it; and, third ly, as to the oath. First, there were a great variety of acts innocent and necessary in themselves which might seem to be offences, struck at by this act. It might go even the length of affecting the sales of particular kinds of property, and might infer an utter incapacity on a person holding burgage tenements to dispose of them. This he esteemed a fundamental objection if not removed. It would, besides, have the effect of preventing a person who had fairly and conscientiously voted for a man whom he respected from ever receiving an office, or obligation of any kind, from that person. These, he was convinced, were not within the object of the bone gentlenean, but still they were implied by the bill as it now stood. Secondly, the mode of punishing the offence seemed objectionable, if it was meant that a conviction at law, probably at the distance of two or three years, was of itself to have the effect of expelling a member from that house. Thirdly, he objected to the oath proposed, as being in itself ambiguous. By referring to the treating act, and observing the contradictory opinions of committees on that head, it would at once be seen how apt people of the strictest integrity and sense of honour were to form contradictory conclusions on such a subject.

Mr. Curwen was happy to think the right hon. gentleman did not object to the principle of the bill. He was aware of the force of the right hon. gentleman's objections; but hoped they might be removed in the committee. After what had occurred in the course of the present session, he hoped the house would not prove unmindful of the warning of the great Lord Chatham, that if they did not reform themselves they would be reformed by others. If after the exposure of abuses which had been made, a remedy was not found, the country would cry out shame upon them!

Mr. Windham was surprised that the hon. gentleman, after expressing the extreme inadequacy of his own bill; should harangue the house ou the subject, and tell them that if they did not do what he himself had failed to do, they must be liable for all the consequences. The hon. gentleman talked of restoring the house to the opinion of the country. He did not admit that it

bad lost it. In the sense in which the hon. gentleman talked of the abuses, he did not admit that they existed. He only begged at present not to commit himself as to an approval of the princi ple of the bill.

Mr. Bathurst argued strongly in fa vour of the bill, and contended that, being come to that advanced stage, the second reading, ministers should be prepared to say, whether they approved or disapproved of the principle of the bill; and if the abuses were such as the house ought to set about correcting. If not, it was useless to go into the committee. He did think the house was now in a situation it had never been in be fore. The existence of abuses of the gros sest kind were now publicly avowed; and the question was, whether it was fit and proper that they should be carried on? Were we to sit down contented with the knowledge of the existence of the evil? The objections of his right hon. friend, (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) he thought, might easily be removed; they were incidental, not essential to the bill. He hoped that, as ministers admitted the grievances complained of they would come forward to promote, rather than to oppose the remedy sought to be applied to them.

Mr. Dennis Brown esteemed the present bill, as produced by popular clamour, and by the meeting at the Crown and Anchor. So far from that house having lost the confidence of the country, it never possessed it more completely than at present.

Mr. Curwen in explanation, stated, that he had not been present at the meeting at the Crown aud Anchor.

Lord Folkstone did not think it necessary to argue with the right hon. gentleman whether the house had or had not lost the confidence of the country. The right hon. gentleman had not lately been found in attendance on the debates of the house, and probably from that circumstance, and from his having spent more of his time among the public, he esteemed himself better qualified to speak as to the degree of confidence the public reposed in that house. The right hon. gentleman probably knew that the house by the votes they had lately come to had procured universal public approbation and ap plause, and stood higher than it had ever done at any former period in the public estimation! His lordship doubted

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