death. Burns was an exciseman, and having, by the liberality of his sentiments incurred the imputation, the surveyor called upon him by order of the commissioners. Burns disclaimed the charge; but although under the apprehension of being sent with his family to seek for bread, for the produce of his works was insufficient to support a sick brother, he ventured to say that the corruption of the legislature and the extending influence of the executive boded no good to the country. Upon which the surveyor observed authoritatively" It is your business, Sir, to act, and not to think-be si"lent and obedient." (A laugh at the back of the ministerial benches.) Mr. Whitbread reprobated such levity. Sure he was that those who could laugh at such an insolent observation must be very much inferior indeed, in genius and worth, to the man to whom it was addressed. There was not perhaps a man in Society who felt more horror at the idea of revolution than he did. His all was at a stake. He enjoyed many comforts, and valuing the British constitution, he would not risk its loss for any untried systemstill less for a republic. He was no admirer of republican governments. They had both in ancient and modern times been corrupt and arbitrary. Even in Athens, supposed the purest republic, corruption pervaded the whole community; the people being bribed by the orators, and the orators bribed by foreign states, Demosthenes himself not being free from the imputation; but aversion to the idea of revolution must utterly blindfold the judgment of any man, who could suppose that such an evil was likely to arise, if Lord Castlereagh were not granted impunity for a two-fold abuse of patronage; and if such a case as that before the house were not overlooked, that the motion was perfectly ridiculous. VOL. V. The hon. gentleman concluded with exhorting the house to guard the country against the fate which all the corrupt governments of Europe had experienced:-to conciliate the people to their government, and not to reduce England to the state in which Sicily now was, where the conduct of its government had rendered the people indifferent to the fate which seemed to menace them. Mr. B. Bathurst saw no reason why it should be assumed that he, and the gentlemen who voted with him in the majority upon the Duke of York's case, had not come to a correct and conscientious conclusion. He expressed his resolution to oppose this motion, or any other of a similar nature which promised to give food and fuel to that popular ferment, which it should be the object of the house to allay. Lord Cochrane said, his principal reason for supporting parliamentary reform upon old constitutional principles was, as he had stated at a late popular meeting, in order to set ministers free from, those discus sions, which occupied too much of their time, and rendered them unable to attend to the important business of their several departments, the neglect of which he had too of ten witnessed on foreign stations. If the people were fairly represented in that house, his opinion was, that there would be less of captious opposition or tedious controversy; corruption would be set aside; opposition would have no abuses to point out; and mimisters, being disengaged from the task of defending such things, would be able to devote their minds more profitably for the state, to the objects he had before alluded to, Mr. Ponsonby said, that the question before the house involved a charge against two of the ministers relative to the sale of a seat in that house. But he would appeal to all who heard him, whether many seats 3 F were not sold, and that being notorious, he never could persuade himself to take advantage of such a circumstance in a political adversary for the purpose of running him down. There was, perhaps, no public man in the world, with regard to whom he felt such deep resentment as against one of the persons implicated in this accusation (Castlereagh). He disliked him for his conduct in Ire land, in that country whose prosperity he had marred-whose population he had persecuted-whose consequence he had degraded whose independence he had extinguished by practices, into the detail of which he would not then enter, But the more he felt those sentiments with respect to that noble lord, the more he strove to controul his feelings in order to correct his judgment. He had voted against the noble lord (Castlereagh) the other night, because the noble lord himself confessed his guilt. But in that case he could not consider the application to him by Mr. Dick to be any thing more than the application of one friend to another to facilitate his attainment of a seat in parliament. Such things were known to be done by hundreds, and why, therefore, inquire into this transaction! The practice of trafficking in seats had, he admitted, became as glaring as the noon-day sun, and the excess had so much scandalized the country, that it became necessary to interfere. That interference had taken place in the bill to be brought in by his hon. friend (Mr. Curwen), and this measure would, he trusted, be rendered by the wisdom of the house a complete remedy for the evil complained of! It might be said, that he was delicate upon this subject, lest some of his own friends might be detected in such proceedings. Perhaps some Perhaps some of his friends were so guilty, he could not say, but for himself he could declare, that he had never paid a shilling to any man for his vote. But the practice complained of was so long, and so universally known to have prevailed, that he could not reconcile it to his notions of liberality and justice to select these two individuals as the victims. Lord Folkestone thought it must appear rather inconsistent that gentlemen should support the bill of the hon. gentleman (Mr. Curwen), if the practice it proposed to correct were not deemed blameable, and if that practice were so blameable, how could the acquittal of the two ministers referred to in the motion be justified. But the approbation of both parties in the house, with regard to the bill alluded to, was somewhat new and surprising. He never heard of that approbation until this night, and he hoped it was not effected to answer that occasion, to create a diversion in favour of the accused. But supposing this bill passed that house, it might be thrown out in the lords, and then what a dilemma would the house be placed in, if it overlooked the subject of the accusation. When he first mentioned such shameful practices as this charge referred to, he remembered that he was met by a cheer of disapprobation from the other side, and was challenged to proof. Yet now gentlemen were not ashamed to avow that these disgraceful transactions were as notorious as the noon-day sun; and that was admitted without proof. When he brought forward his motion for inquiry, it was objected to upon the grounds that his charges were too general. And now this motion was resisted because it was too specific. So that no form of proceeding could suit those gentlemen, because, in plain English, it was not their interest to investigate any charge.-If not, he would be glad to know who were the greater enemies to public character-they who would mark out and exclude improper persons from He this species of traffic, and upon the public station, or they who would unblushingly resist all inquiry, upon the avowed ground that corruption was so extensive that no individual charge could be admitted? Could gentlemen be surprised if, after such an avowal from both sides, the public should be distrustful of the honour and character of that house? Such distrust did exist, and it was notorious! He deprecated the idea of supposing that it was to be removed by any other means than by inquiry, and proving it to be unfounded. Resisting inquiry only served to strengthen the influence, and to extend the limits of suspicion, by comprehending all those who connected themselves on public men, and a sort of corrupwith such resistance. The noble tion was sometimes necessary to gralord concluded with declaring his tify it. But he could never believe resolution to oppose the amendment, that any thing low, such as the emand to vote for the original motion. bezzlement of money, was among Mr. Windham entered into a va- the higher order of public men. If riety of ingenious arguments in sup- a man, in his own private family, port of his opinion upon the subject could not guard against prodigality of reform. There were many things and mismanagement, surely such a of the nature referred to in this mo- guard could not be looked for, or tion, which were, in fact, coeval entirely relied upon in disposing of and coexistent with the constitution the resources of a great nation. The itself, and they had "grown with hon. gentleman expressed his intenits growth, and strengthened with its tion to vote against the motion. strength." These things were, in fact, so interwoven with the constitution, and that constitution itself was such a complicated system, that no wise statesmen would venture to tear them out, lest he should take out something very valuable along with them. The constitution was like the elements of the air we breathe, some of which were poisonous, and yet if those elements were extracted the earth would not be habitable.When gentlemen talked of the theory of the constitution, they seemed to forget that those corruptions, as they were called, formed part of that theory, for they were to be found coexisting with the constitution in all times, even in the best of times -even in the days of the Great Chatham, as he was termed. That moble lord, no doubt, made use of Lord A. Hamilton spoke strongly on the opposite side. Mr. Wilberforce believing that the proposed investigation would terminat in the exculpation of the two honourable members, still was of opinion, that the house should entertained the proposition of the hon. mover. The public confidence and support were at all times desirable, but at a moment of danger from without and dissatisfaction from within, that house was bound to pursue a strictly just and honourable course. To refuse the motion of that might was to afford a strong illustration of the necessity of that reform, which it was idly supposed could be best checked by a determinution not to enter upon inquiry! Viewing the case in a moral view-[Here the cries of Question! question! Withdraw! with draw! were so frequent and continued, that it was impossible to hear the remaining observations of the right hon. gentleman]-only that he concluded with his determination of supporting the motion of the bon. gentleman (Mr. Maddocks.) Mr. Canning called upon the house that night to make a stand against the encroachments of the factious, and to reflect upon the system of which this motion formed a part, dexterously introduced as it was. To-night it was called upon to make an immolation of two upon his side of the house, and, perhaps, if successful now, it would on the morrow be summoned to sacrifice two stately victims from the other. He argued the right of canvassing the motives and appreciating the conduct of public meetings, when such meetings were protruded upon the judgment of that house, as speaking the popular will, although never legitimately convened, either according to the spirit or the forms of the constitution. The right hon. gentleman, although persuaded that exculpation would be the consequence of inquiry into the conduct of his two right hon. colleagues, of one of whom (Mr. Perceval) he would say that his private virtue and public integrity were acknowledged by his friends, and admitted even by his political opponents to be without stain; still he thought the house bound to negative the motion, as well for its avowed object as for the consequences to which it would lead. He then concluded with a florid panegyric upon the house of commons, to whatever causes, whether arrangement or chance, it owed its present constitution. Mr. Hutchinson protested against the doctrine of that night, which pesterity would reprobate. When it should hear that a house of commons was found so debased as to acknowledge the existence of corruption in its formation, and justify the existence of it-(Cries of withdraw! withdraw! and violent uproar!) It was at least consistent for those, said the hon. member, to drown, if possible, the discussion of men who opposed them. Convinced, as they must be, that such conduct as they pursued that night, could neither bear inquiry, argument, or the touchstone of common integrity! Mr. W. Smith thought the house bound to reflect upon the alleged interference of Lord Castlereagh, with the vote of Mr. Dick upon a judical question of high importance. If the fact be not so, why not inquire? I repeat the words-if the fact be not so, why not inquire ? and if with the question thus put to you, you refuse to inquire, the country will not fail to form its own decision. Mr. P. Moore stated, that on a former occasion, when he opposed himself to the general motion of a noble Lord (Folkestone,) because it did not state some definite grounds, he had then the honour of being cheered by his Majesty's ministers and their adherents. Their objection then was,-your motion is too wide-wasting, too indefinite, and therefore we oppose it; but bring us something in a tangible shape and we will withdraw our resistance? Here then was something in a tangible shape; here was specific corruption offered to be proved against two members of their body, in confidential situations under the crown. How has it been received? Shame to say, its existence has not only been admitted from time immemorial, but even justified from both sides of the house! Let the house cautiously reflect how it sends abroad such principles, sanctioned by their decision. In such an attempt to vindicate the character of the two right hon. gentlemen, they will fail to retrieve them whilst they sacri fice to eternity the honour, the cre dit, and the character of the house of commons.! Ingrediturque solo, caput inter [nubila condit. The question being loudly called for, the two amendments were negatived without a division. The house then divided on the original motion, as proposed by Mr. Maddockswhen the numbers were:-Ayes, 85 Noes, 310-majority against Inquiry, 225. Adjourned at 3 o'clock. Friday, May, 12. Mr. Whitbread rose to make a motion which he had postponed yesterday, at the request of the noble lord oppo site. To that motion he could not conceive any objection. From finding Charmilly's name in the estimates, he had been led to the investigation of the expences of the foreign corps, and his opinion was, though the majority of the officers might be very respectable persons, that this was a subject that ought to be watched with peculiar attention. It appeared, that at the time when the Duke of Bedford, owing to his opposition to ministers, had been refused the command of a corps of volunteers of his own tenants, letters of service had been granted to foreigners to recruit from the prisons where Frenchmen were confined! Lord Castlereagh had felt before that this motion was objectionable, and he was now confirmed in that opinion. He thought it would be improper to expose the whole of their names. Mr. Whitbread said, that all the names must appear in the army list, which was now published by authority; and if the noble lord had no better argument, he must believe that this was nothing else than a subterfuge to get rid of the motion. He also observed, that the command of a corps of his tenants had been refused to the late Lord Petre, because he was a catholic. At that very time, when these refusals were given to the Duke of Bedford and Lord Petre, because the one was an adverse politician, and the other a catholic, letters of service recruit foreigners from the prisons! He were given to Charmilly and others to also contended that the sum granted to Charmilly for this levy was by far too large, being 16 guineas per man, when he paid absolutely nothing, but recruited at the very doors of the prisons. He certainly would take the sense of the house on the motion, if it was persisted in. The house then divided-Ayes 29, Noes 54. Mr. Babbington moved for abstracts of the returns of the bishops and arch bishops relative to the residence of the clergy, for the years 1804-5-6-7-8.— Agreed to. Mr. Perceval, in the committee, moved that 400,000l. be granted to enable his Majesty to make good his engage ments with his Sicilian Majesty, being 300,000l. to pay the annual allowance, and also 100,000l. to pay arrears.→→→→ Agreed to. He next proposed that 300,000l. be granted to make good the advances to the King of Sweden. Mr. Canning here, in answer to a question from Mr. Ponsonby, repeated the reasons why so much delay had taken place in laying the treaty on the table. The resolutions were agreed to, the house resumed, and the report was or dered on Monday. The Speaker having left the chair, Mr. Perceval rose and observed, that in proceeding to submit to the house resolutions, to certify the contract which had been made this morning by the treasury, for the loan of 14 millions for the service of the year, he would not take up much of the time of the house by any long introductory remarks upon a subject which already attracted the attention of the nation. He would, therefore, without further preface, state the supplies for the present year, with the corresponding ways and means. |