10. That the exclusion of the public voice from all influence in, and the consequent corruption of, the governments of the continental states, have been the causes of their subjugation.

11. That so long as the people shall not be fairly represented corruption will increase; our debts and taxes will accumulate; our resources will be dissipated; the native energy of the people will be depressed; and the country deprived of its best defence against foreign foes.

12. That to remedy the great and glaring evils of which we complain, it is not necessary to have recourse to theoretical speculations, or dan gerous experiments in government, but to recur to the principles handed down to us by the wisdom and virtue of our forefathers.

13. THAT THE REMEDY IS TO BE FOUND, AND TO BE FOUND ONLY, IN A FULL AND FAIR RE PRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLE IN THE COMMONS HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT A REMEDY EQUALLY NECESSARY TO THE SAFETY OF THE THRONE, AND THE HAPPI NESS AND INDEPENDENCE OF

had intended to read a short abstract he had made of the manner in which they were at present represented; but from the able manner the subject had already been treated, he would not now occupy their time.— (Cry of Read! Read!)-The hon. member then read from a paper a calculation he had made, by which it appeared that there were in the house 26 burgage tenures, private property, which returned 52 members of parliament; 51 boroughs, . with about 50 voters in each, returning 100 members; 23 boroughs, of 100 voters, returning 45 members; 25 of 200 voters, returning 56; and 2 of 30 voters returning 4 members; being in all 11,070 voters, who returned a majority of the house of commons. Besides this there was a great increase of influence since it was stated in the year 1793; at that period 75 peers returned 167 members to the lower house, as the cal culation was taken by the worthy chairman from the petition presented by the friends of the people. Let them now see if the state of the representation was the same as it was then; for if it continued the same, they might go on ten years more without being lost; but if it was getting worse and worse, there was no hopes for them. Since 1793, eighteen new peers had been created, who had influence over 39 commoners, and six baronets who had influence over 11. Thus in all there were 206 members of the house of commons under the influence of peers. Peers made in the present reign, and in Ireland, had therefore the disposal of upwards of 200 bo-* rough votes in the house of commons, besides the influence they had in counties, of which he could name at least thirty represented by the sons and brothers of peers. The treasury returned 167, and the borough faction, 31 in number returned 139. Of all these he had enumerated, the number was 306, to

a late hour.

To the Editor.` The state of the country, however seemingly prosperous, is such as to call for an immediate and complete reformation; we are not yet actual ly ruined, but we are on the verge and brink of ruin. Our descent into the gulph may not be sudden, but it is inevitable, without a speedy and effectual check be given to the measures which have brought us to the present crisis. A considerable change has no doubt already taken place in the sentiments of the people with regard to the merits of their rulers, and the charm which so long operated during the life of Pitt to blind them to the ruinous tendency of his measures, no longer operates in favour of his successors, the wretched remnant of his party, the inheritors of his principles, and the executors of his political testament: the estate which he left them in the credulity of the nation is already much diminished, for they are no longer like him, believed infallible; and now that the terror of Pitt is removed, the people have regained the use of their judgment, and the exercise of their constitutional authority. The system of warfare and expence which has so long been obstinately persevered in must now be abandoned, and though peace can not be attainable, nor even desirable during the life of Bonaparte, we must contend with him abroad on a totally different principle, and conduct our expences at home on a rigid system of economy. We have tried too long in vain to restore the

nent, and the continent must now be left to its fate: if it cannot work out its own salvation, it is not worth our saving. To effect this salutary change in our external policy, we must have a radical change in our internal administration, which can only be brought about by the interference of the people; and if we have yet virtue enough left to reform ourselves we certainly may be saved; if not we must undergo the fate of all corrupt and highly polished nations by sinking into insignificance, or be swallowed up by the great vortex of the French empire. The ignorànco and insufficiency of the present ministers is completely and woefully demonstrated by the failure of all their schemes for the liberation of the continent from the power of Bonaparte; and unless they adopt a different mode of conducting the war from that hitherto practised, they will end in bringing this country under the yoke of his despotism: little however is to be hoped from their candor or their prudence; and unless they are either forced to be wise or deprived of their power, the country will be irretrievably ruined; and for this purpose there remains but one method to be tried, which is that of a general reform, which must arise from the people for their own preservation; and without they are fully convinced of this they cannot be preserved. The whole sys tem of the government is so totally rotten and corrupt, and this corruption has extended itself to so large a portion of the nation under the influence of government, that it

is impossible the general interest of the country can ever be preferred by those in power to their own in dividual emolument, and while this continues to be the case the public safety must ever be doubtful. A radical reform must be brought about in the political and moral sentiments of the nation before a parliamentary reform can be hoped for, as that reform must precede all others of lesser moment. The active co-operation of enlightened men is the first thing requisite for bringing about that vigorons expression of political sentiment which can alone influence and finally determine the operations of parliament; that body must feel the impression of the people before they will act for the people's interest; and till they are constituted solely by popular election, independent of aristocratical interference, they can never be the faithful guardians of liberty and property. Addresses must be sent to parliament from the principal towns and counties in the kingdom; one must follow another in rapid succession, or the heat which has been lately created will shortly evaporate, and things become worse than they were before.

Should ministers succeed in allay ing the ferment which the late ex posure of their iniquities has occastoned, they will become stronger than ever; but their strength cannot be of long duration; for their measures naturally tend to produce such a weight of taxation and oppression, that the nation wearied with their insupportable grievances will with one burst of indignation, rise upon their inhuman oppressors and overturn the whole fabric of their power; and how such an event will terminate no one can venture to foresee: let us hope, however, for better things; and let all those who are duly impressed with the necessity of an immediate reform, omit no op'portunity, however inconsiderable

their means, to hasten that indispensible and salutary change of things which, and which only, can safely lead the nation from the brink of ruin to peace and prosperity.

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The nature of that parliamentary. reform which is to be looked to as: the grand means of our deliverance, is by no means an intricate or diffi cult subject: the leading points of it. are already marked out by the con-: stitution: we have only to act up to the principles on which it is formed, and that reformation will be easy and gentle. We have no need like France: to adopt new institutions and new principles, we have not to pass from one form of government to another, from despotism to limited monarchy, and to frame a written constitution founded on visionary ideas of theoretical excellence we have all the essentials of a free government in our Magna Charta, our Habeas Corpus act, and our BILL OF RIGHTS. We have only to restore, we have not to pull down, nor to build up; and on this principle I most thoroughly agree with you Mr. Editor, that the revival of triennial parliaments which we possessed before that apostate measure of a whig administration introduced the septennial bill, which has been one source of all our calamities by giving corrup-' tion a lease of the government renewable every seven years, I agree with you that triennial parliaments are sufficiently short to avoid the sale of the representation, and sufficiently long to avoid a too frequent return of any popular ferment; and to regain triennial parliaments, I for one, will use all the means in my power.

The duration of parliaments being settled, which I trust it soon will be by the restoration of our an cient right to elect our representa tives once in three years, the next question which presents itself, is that of the constitution of the parliament.

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