"We Charles, by the Grace of God, assure you, estates of the realm, counts, barons, archbishop, bishops, nobles, clergy, burghers of cities, and commonality, of our particular favour, gracious intentions, and kind affection, under the protection of Almighty God. "Since we, according to our gracious proclamation of the 13th inst. have found ourselves called upon to take the reins of government as Regent, in order to save our beloved native country from unavoidable destruction, we have considered it of the highest importance to deliberate with the states of the realm, upon the means which may procure and confirm the future happiness of the Swedish nation. We wish, therefore, and command that all the states of the realin may assemble in the capital of the kingdom before the 1st of May next, and that not only the nobility may regulate their conduct by the laws, for the house of nobles, given the 6th of June, 1626, by the King Gustavus Adolphus, of glorious memory, &c. and revived and confirmed by King Gustavus III. on the 9th November, 1778, but that the other states, which, as usual, send deputies, may observe the following order from the clergy are expected to appear the archbishop, every bishop from his diocese, the first pastor in Stockholm; together with so many from each diocese as usual, and of the other states, as many as usual, all provided with necessary letters of deputation, in order that we may he able to begin the diet, and after its being fortunately finished, give you permission to return every one to his province. Which every one must respectfully observe, and we are, &c. &c. "Given at the King's palace, at Stockholm, March 14, 1809." Address of his Royal Highness the Duke of Sudermania to the people of Sweden. His Royal Highness the Duke of Sudermania deems it right, and con formable to the duties of his high station, publicly to lay before the Swedish people the motives and causes which produced the impor tant change that has lately taken place in the government of the coun try. The archives of the state contain a great variety of documents, which will prove the necessity of that measure, both to the present age and posterity. For this long time past here, the public opinion condemned a system of warfare which so little suits a country, the commercial concerns of which, claim that neutrality which her fortunate geographical situation seems to secure. As early as 1805, Sweden, joined by other powers, entered into a war with France, which from local circumstances was then, however, confined to the loss of her trade with nearly all the states of Europe, although not to be com pared with that she has since sustained, was yet of great moment. Soon after, differences with Prussia arose, which, however, were not at tended with consequences equally important. In the year 1807, the share which Sweden took in the coalition against France became momentous, and its influence on the dearest interests of the country more detrimental. Swedish Pomerania was occupied by foreign troops, and Stralsund besieged, yet one prospect of more fortunate times remained.— A continental peace was on the point of being concluded in Tilsit, and Sweden invited to form one of the contracting parties. Sweden refused, and in consequence of this refusal she was compelled to fight France and her numerous allies singlehanded on the continent of Europe, and the siege of Stralsund was car ried on with increased vigour; even during that siege, nay after the con clusion of the convention, which stipulated the evacuation of Pome rania and Rugen by our troops, offers of peace were made by the enemy and rejected, and the German possessions of Sweden, the last remains of the conquests of Gustavus the great, were lost. Sweden had, however, to sustain losses still more severe. The winter of 1807, and the following year, serious apprehensions arose of an impending rupture with our neighbours, both on the East and West of the empire. These apprehensions and dangers might have been warded off a few months before by the Swedish government, by its accession to the peace of Tilsit; a peace which Sweden was not prevented from concluding by his only ally, which was offered on terms by no means irreconcilable with the public interest of Sweden. The war broke out in Finland, and its gallant defenders, at the end of a severe and honourable conflict with an enemy far superior in number, were obliged to give up to him their beloved country. This misfortune, the most calamitous event which has befallen Sweden for centuries past, might have been averted, if the powerful preparations of defence which the situation and nature of the country admitted, had been conducted with wisdom and skill, and if the plans of resistance, no sooner adopted than relinquished, had been conceived and carried into effect with unity and firmness. Finland, which in point of population and intrinsic value formed one-third part of the Swedish empire, was lost, and this loss bore with the most destructive pressure on the two remaining thirds. In this state of affairs, the means of waging war against such numerous enemies could not prove sufficient for any length of time, and no other resource was left than to burthen with new taxes a people perfectly unable to pay them. The public necessities increased in the same proportion as the means and resources of the state were destroyed. Trade and navigation were at a stand; our mines and agriculture were unproductive from want of hands: universal ruin spreading wide and far; and yet it was universally known that his Royal Majesty had again re peated his former firm and unalterable determination not to conclude a peace with the present government of France, without which, however, no reconciliation with Denmark and Russia could take place. In this situation of affairs, a considerable part of the western army formed the resolution to march to the capital with the patriotic aim, which appears by the proclamation issued on their part. Similar movements took place among the rest of the Swedish troops; and it was in this critical position his Royal Ma jesty came to the unfortunate resolution of leaving Stockholm, and directing his family and several officers of the state to follow him. The garrison was ordered to file off, and it was intended to assemble an armý in the South, to oppose the troops who were approaching from North and West. Two distinct governments were thus to be formed, two armies to be assembled, and a civil war was to fill up the measure of our calamities and distress. the The King's departure was however postponed until the 13th of March at noon. Universal consternation prevailed. The most respectful remonstrances against his Majesty's determination were rejected, and no other means remained even to secure the safety of the King's own person than to prevent him from carrying his unfortunate resolution into effect. In these circumstances, all the officers of state, in concert with the states of the empire were present at Stockholm, expressed to his royal highness, the constitutional wish that he might take the reins of government into his own hands; a wish to which his royal highness, notwithstanding his advanced age, thought himself in duty bound to accede, confiding that this step will be viewed in its proper light by every honest and patriotic Swede. Stockholm, March 15, 1809. FROCLAMATION BY THE KING OF BAVARIA. Maximillian Joseph, King of Bavaria, to all to whom these presents shall come, health! Without a declaration of war, without any previous explanation, our territory was on the 9th of this month in vaded, and we were compelled to leave our capital, which is possessed by the Austrian troops. This attack on the rights of nations will be punished. The Sovereigns of the Rhenish confederacy, supported by their mighty protector, shall maintain their independence, and, by victories, reply to the treacherous proclamation which is circulated in Bavaria, and which endeavours to subvert the rights of Sovereigns, by exciting every where a spirit of disaffection, and to produce the destruction of all social order. People and soldiers of Bavaria, you know with what zeal we have loved you, you know that your happiness has been the constant object of our care. You know also that since the treaty of Presburgh, which confirmed your political existence, you have already had reason to rejoice at the new relations subsisting between us and the powers of Europe. People and soldiers of Bavaria Austria seeks to annihilate your independence, reduce your strength, and diminish your possessions, under the pretext of freeing you. The people of the allied states are not however, ignorant of the new and dangerous influence which it has endeavoured to establish, and the obvious consequence of which would be the restoration of the arbitrary power of which the archdukedom of Austria had assumed under the title of head of the German empire. It is our throne which is threatened to be overthrown. It is the Bavarian name which is to be extinguished among nations. In this attempt it is wished to make you parties, under the pretext of zeal for your property. Your territory is destined to be the reward of your enemies-for in their ostentation they do not conceal their object. They wish to dismember your country, and to establish in it barons dependent on the court of Vienna. Their base and senseless purposes shall be defeated: for this we have the pledge of the fidelity of our people, of the courage of our soldiers, of the genius and protection of our mighty ally. In this great contest, in which justice will triumph over the temporary abuse of power, and through which Bavaria shall finally obtain that consolidation which will place her for ever in security against the attacks of a jealous neighbour, you will support with your wishes and your efforts, our arms, and those of your great ally. We shall soon return to our capital.-At the sight of the illustrious protector of our confederacy, our enemies will fade away, and the war which they now again commence, shall, like that in 1805, be carried into their own territories; but measures shall then be taken to prevent their any longer disturbing the continent, and making their neighbours the victims of the intrigues of their cabinet. MAXIMILIAN JOSEPH. to procure to Spain a long peace, founded on her independence. The French army will evacuate the Spanish provinces as tranquillity shall be spread, and as they shall unite around our throne. Our will is, that you order each of the curates of your diocese to sing a solemn TE DEUM the first Sunday after the receipt of this letter. Given at our palace of Madrid, the 24th of January, 1809. (Signed) I, THE KING, The minister secretary of state of In returning to this capital, our first care, as well as first duty, has been to prostrate ourselves at the feet of that God who disposes of crowns. We have offered him the homage of our existence for the his Majesty, felicity of the brave nation whom he has entrusted to our care. It is with this end only, in conformity with our dearest thoughts, that we have addressed to him our humble prayers. What is an individual in the immense population of the earth? What is he, in the eyes of the eternal, who alone penetrates the intentions of men, and according to them determines their elevation? He who sincerely wishes the welfare of his fellows, serves God; and his omnipotent goodness protects him. We desire, that in conformity with these dispositions, you direct the prayers of the faithful, whom Providence has entrusted to you. Let us all ask of God, that he deign to let fall upon us his spirit of peace and wisdom: let us abjure every passion that we may be occupied alone by such sentiments as ought to animate us, and which the general interests of this monarchy in spires: let the exercise of religion, tranquillity, and happiness, succeed to the discords to which we have been a prey: let us return thanks to God for the success which he has been pleased to grant to the arms of our august brother and powerful ally, the Emperor of the French, who has had no other end in supporting our rights by his power than M. L. D'URQUINO. AMERICA. INAUGURAL SPEECH OF MR. Unwilling to depart from examples, of the most revered authority, I avail myself of the occasion now presented, to express the profound impression made on me, by the call of my country to the station, to the duties of which I am about to pledge myself, by the most solemn of sanctions. So distinguished a mark of confidence, proceeding from the deliberate and tranquil suffrage of a free and virtuous nation, would, under any circumstances, have commanded my gratitude and devotion, as well as filled me with an awful sense of the trust to be assumed. Under the various circumstances which gave peculiar solemnity to the existing period, I feel that both the honour and the responsibility allotted to me are inexpressibly enhanced. The present situation of the world is indeed without a parallel; and that of our country full of difficulties. The pressure of these, too, is the more severely felt because they have fallen upon us at a moment when national prosperity being at a height not before attained, the contrast resulting from this change has been rendered the more striking. Under the benign influence of our republican institutions, and the maintenance of peace with all nations, whilst so many of them were engaged in bloody and wasteful wars, the fruits of a just policy were enjoyed in an unrivalled growth of our faculties and resources. Proofs of this were seen in the improvements of agriculture; in the successful enterprizes of commerce; in the progress of manufactures and useful arts; in the increase of the public revenue, and the use made of it in reducing the public debt; and in the valuable works and establishments every where multiplying over the face of our land. It is a precious reflection, that the transition from this prosperous condition of our country, to the scene which has for some time been distressing us, is not chargeable on any unwarrantable views, nor, as I trust, on any involuntary errors in the public councils. Indulging no passions which trespass on the rights or the repose of other nations, it has been the true glory of the United States to cultivate peace by observing justice, and to entitle themselves to the respect of the nations at war, by fulfilling their neutral obligations with the most scrupulous impartiality. If there be candour in the world, the truth of these assertions will not be questioned. Posterity at least will do justice to them. This unexceptionable course could not avail against the injustice and violence of the belligerent pow ers. In their rage against each other, or impelled by more direct motives, principles of retaliation have been introduced, equally contrary to universal reason and acknowledged law. How long their arbitrary edicts will be continued, in spite of the demonstrations that not even a pretext for them has been given by the United States, and of the fair and liberal attempts to induce a revocation of them, cannot be anticipated. Assuring myself that, under every vicissitude, the determined spirit and united councils of the nation will be safe-guards to its honour and its essential interests, 1 repair to the post assigned me, with no other discouragement than what springs from my own inadequacy to its high duties. If I do not sink under the weight of this deep conviction, it is because I find some support in a consciousness of the purposes, and a confidence in the principles, which I bring with me into this arduous service. To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations, having correspondent dispositions; to main tain sincere neutrality towards belligerent nations; to prefer in all cases amicable discussion and reasonable accommodution of differences, to a decision of them by an appeal to arms; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries, and so baneful to free ones; to foster a spirit of independence, too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own; too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves, and too elevated not to look down upon them in others; to hold the union of the states as the basis of their peace and happiness; to support the constitution which is the cement of the union, as well in its limitations, as in its authorities; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the states, and to the people, as equally incorporated with, and essential to the success of the general system; to avoid the slightest interference with the rights of conscience, or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; to preserve in their full energy the other salu tary provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and of the FREEDOM OF THE PRESS; to ob serve economy in public expendi |