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REPORT:

BY HIS EXCELLENCY THE MINISTER FOR
FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO HIS MAJESTY

THE EMPEROR AND KING.
SIRE,

Your conquering arms had made you
master of Vienna; the greater part of
the Austrian provinces were occupied
by your armies. The fate of the em-
pire was in your hands. The Emperor
of Austria came to visit your Majesty
in your camp. He besought you to
put an end to the conflict, because so
fatal to those who had caused it. He
offered to leave you henceforward un
interrupted upon the continent, that
you might employ all your force in the
war against England, and acknowled
ged that the fate of arms had given you
the right to demand all that became
you. He swore to you friendship and
eternal gratitude. Your Majesty was
affected by this mournful example of
the mutability of human affairs; you
could not, without deep commiseration,
behold that monarch, once so powerful,
stripped of his power and grandeur.
You evinced yourself generous at once
to the monarchy, the Sovereign, and
the capital. You were able to retain
your extensive conquests; you yielded
up
the greater part of them. The em-
pire of Austria arose anew. The crown
was fixed upon the brow of its Sove-
reign. Europe could not behold without
admiration this act of magnanimity and
generosity.

Your Majesty did not exact the tribute of gratitude which was due. The Emperor of Austria soon forgot the oath of eternal friendship. Re-established on his throne, and assuredly misled by perfidious counsel, he aimed at no other object than to collect once more his resources, and prepare for a fresh contest, whenever he night renew it with advantage. The war with Prussia soon Jaid open these insidious designs. Austria hastened to assemble an army in Bohemia, but the victory of Jena frustrated her projects. Still weak, and destitute of men, artillery and arms, she deferred to another period the execution of her hostile plans.

The treaty of Tilsit ended this war; the conquering armies of your Majesty which beset the north of Germany remained inactive; they surrounded the Austrian territory. Certainly, if ainbitious policy had influenced the views of your Majesty; if the debilitation of

the Austrian monarchy had been your desire, and if that desire had been the great object of your pursuit, your Majesty, who had no enemy, no possible movement to fear on the continent, who was at the head of 400,000 men, who occupied the Grand Duchy of Austria, Silesia, and Saxony, all able to act against Austria, your Majesty might have called her to account for her sus picious conduct during the war with Prussia, and for the delivery of Catarro to the Montenegrins, which by virtue of the treaty of Presburg was to be surrendered to France. Your Majesty shewed yourself indulgent to weakness; your Majesty gave no ear to your own resentments, nor

to the counsel of

triumphant policy. Your Majesty ear nestly desiring a maritime peace, and aiming directly at that end, in order to hasten its attainment manifested an eagerness to put an end to the disputes which were still subsisting with Austria. -A treaty was concluded at Fontain bleau in Oct. 1807. Your Majesty gave back Brannau, though it was not Austria which put Cattaro into your possession.

The boundaries of both empires in Italy were fixed. By means of an exchange the Isonzo became this boundary, which nature herself antici pated in order to prevent all contests. Montefalcone, so important for the security of Trieste, was ceded to the Austrians, and this proved that there was no intention of encroaching upon their territory. It was acknowledged that there was no longer any subject of controversy between your Majesty and the Emperor of Austria. From this time there were no demands, nọ complaints, but all the marks of perfect harmony. Your Majesty thought you might forget a war which Austria had excited without any provocation, and its issue which had brought honour to the arms of France. You indulged yourself in the hope of a peace which should no more be interrupted.

The horrible expedition against Copen hagen, and the orders of council of the 11th of November, had proved that the English would suffer no neutral powers, Their conduct made all Europe indig nant. The Emperor of Austria, desirous to evince that he partook of this feeling, recalled his ambassador from London, and shat all his parts against the English.

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Soon after, disturbances burst forth in Spain, at the instigation of England. King Charles IV. was driven from the throne by his son, who was counselled by the Duke del Infantado and other adherents of England, and whose object was to break the connection between France and Spain. Your Majesty was anxious to prevent this dangerous acquisition by your enemy, and to oppose their undertakings. When the unhappy King Charles, deeply afflicted at the blow he had received, and the conspiracy of which he had been the victim, was desirous to resign his rights, your Majesty accepted them in order to restore what Louis the XIV. had effected, and re-tie the bonds which had for a century preserved the peace between the two countries. The fanaticism of the monks and the intrigues of the English had put some of the Spanish provinces into a state of rebellion. It was then that that was distinctly scen which had been but half observed before the battle of Jena. The flames of dissension and war which had arisen in the south, inspired Austria with the hope that the moment was come when the treaty of Presburg might be annihiJated. She armed herself, and a system was carried into effect, which though professing to be merely defensive, produced those numerous battalions with which Austria now threatens Germany, The whole population was summoned. The Austrian princes ran from province to province disseminating proclamations as if the monarchy were in danger of being overwhelmed by an enemy. As soon as your Majesty heard of these inovements, your Majesty caused remonstrances to be made, altogether in the spirit of peace, which the ambassador of Austria could not mistake. Being returned from Bayonne to Paris, your Majesty declared your sentiments, in person, to that ambassador, in a conversation which all Europe has re-echoed, and which allowed no doubt to remain any where concerning your pacific designs. With as much sincerity and good faith as generosity and car nestness, your Majesty represented to M. von Metternich, that these arma ments, begun without reasonable cause, and inconsiderately continued, would draw after them a war, contrary to the will of your Majesty and the Emperor of Austria, and even of his ministers sawise, in case they should adopt his

pacific views. Of so great effect is the inspiring a people with feelings, which they who have suggested them can no longer repress, when once they have been raised,

Perhaps, Sire, it would have been wise policy, at that instant, to have obliged Austria to disarm, threatning her with the whole force of the victo rious armies which surrounded her on all sides. Your Majesty would certainly have done this, had you not, in full confidence on your alliance with Russia, lent an ear to the suggestions of that power which hoped that Austria would be brought back to sounder policy, and more pacific dispositions. Besides, the Austrian minister, at that time, assured your Majesty that no results would arise from these armaments, The Emperor of Austria wrote to your Majesty to testify his pacific inclina tions, Baron von Vincent, who brought that letter, repeated that protestation. Your Majesty believed in the sincerity of this declaration. You gave the Em peror Francis the most solemn assurances of your pacific purposes in the letter which you wrote to him imme diately on your return from Erfurth. At the same time that your Majesty, with so much sincerity, repeated these assurances, so well calculated to banish all fears, as well as all motives for arming on the part of Austria, your Majesty invited the Princes of the confederation to break up from the encampments which they had formed. Your Majesty evacuated the towns of Silesia; 200,000 of your troops left Germany.

But it was in vain that your Majesty displayed all this confidence. Your just expectations were disappointed.— The military preparations were continued in Austria with greater zeal; no'withstanding the severity of the season, the exercise of the militia was continued. The harbour of Trieste was opened to the English; ships of war accompanied Austrian vessels, and conducted them to Malta, and those from Malta conveyed the English goods to the Levant. The Spanish insurgents were kindly received at Trieste. The Austrian minister in Spain became the agent of the junta in spreading their correspondence in foreign countries.The Austrian dominions had swarmed with lampoons against France; the newspapers of that country had circulated false intelligence concerning the

affairs of Spain. These writers had published a full narative of the defeat of the French at Roncevalles; doubtless lamenting that the government of your Majesty should exhibit the wonders of Charles the Fifth's reign, and not his splendid disasters. Together with these menacing and hostile measures were added marks of ill will, which were suited to point out the end of these armaments, as well as the spirit of the system which Austria adopted.

Such were the reports which your Majesty received from Spain; that country you had subdued. The numerous Spanish armies were scattered like dust. The English were busied in effecting their retreat, and this retreat from before your Majesty exposed it to minent peril. One of those accidents to which the events of war gave rise, brought to your Majesty's knowledge the negociation of the Spanish junta with the Austrian government, and the promise of Austria to assist the junta with 100,000 men; a promise made, without doubt, with no intention to fulfil it, and merely to feed the courage of the insurgents with deceitful hopes: finally, as if Providence which so visibly watches over your Majesty, or rather over France, which has conducted you through so many dangers, and in so wonderful a way every where attended you in your progress, were itself desirous to unveil the disloyalty and treachery of those who did not yet dare to avow themselves your enemies, the declaration of the King of England of the 26th of December fell into your hands, In this your Majesty read these remarkable expressions

"And if among the nations which groan under the tyranny of French "alliance, or among those who maintain, against France a doubtful and preca"rious independence, there should be 46 any which even now are balancing "between the certain ruin of a pro"longed inactivity, and the contingent "dangers of an effort to save themselves "from that ruin; to nations so situated, the delusive prospect of a peace be "tween Great Britain and France could "not fail to be peculiarly injurious.

Their preparations might be relaxed by the vain hope of returning tran-, quillity, or their purpose shaken by the apprehension of being left to con"tend alone."

Thus it was England herself who

warned your Majesty concerning the preparations of Austria. These prepa

rations were to frustrate what the two Emperors had done to effect the mari time peace. Your Majesty could no longer doubt that you were threatened with another war. The pledge given at Erfurth was violated. Austria armed herself against her benefactor. Your Majesty had to reflect upon what you owed to your people and your allies.With grief you abandoned the pursuit of the English. May your Majesty's minister, who is now the interpreter of the common sentiment, and that mode of thinking which is founded on the vic tories of 15 years, with which nothing can be compared, be permitted to add, that however great the successes of your Majesty's lieutenants may have been, whatever abilities they may have displayed, your Majesty, had you in person been able to head your armies, might have expected still greater success: not one Englishman should have returned to England. Your Majesty made this sacrifice to the security of your do minions; you returned back to Valla dolid in order to issue the last commands which the safety of Spain required; wrote from thence to the princes of the Confederation of the Rhine, in order that they might equip themselves, and furnish their contingents; a measure, which the fears they had already expressed to your Majesty had long rendered necessary; and your Majesty repaired to Paris.

Your Majesty made a new endeavour to avoid this war, which you had not given rise to: you called for the interference of the Russian minister of foreign affairs, who was at that time in Paris. This minister, having been instructed by your Majesty, visited the Austrian ambassador. He proposed an arrangement by which the three empires should be united by a triple guarantee, and which secured to Austria the inte grity of her territory by the guarantee of Russia against the enterprises of France, and that of France against the enterprises of Russia; and in like man ner the guarantee of Austria was accep ted by the other two powers. It is unpleasant to be obliged to declare that these proposals by M. de Romanzoff had no effect. But your Majesty ever hoping in the good success of these your endeavours, and unable to conceive that the blind, zeal which had been excited

by a party in Austria, sold to England, could stifle the voice of wisdom in illus trious persons and true friends to that country, did not put your troops into motion, nor the divisions of the troops of the Rhenish league, nor those which your Majesty had in the interior of France, and which being intended for naval objects or the maintenance of the colonies, had partly received orders to march to this destination.

Austria no longer kept herself within bounds. She had been preparing the fencibles during eight months; she had called them forth and provided a new army. In the middle of February or ders were issued to set them in motion, and to bring all the troops to the fronfiers; the whole monarchy was under arms. Long before Austria had made war upon France at Constantinople; she had already effected a reconciliation between England and Turkey: finally, she was about to declare herself openly. In the mean while the cabinet of Vienna maintained a profound silence. Since the treaty of Fontainbleau, it had made neither remonstrance nor complaint. Your Majesty had cause for complaint, in the murder of your courier. in Croatia; in the insults offered at Trieste to French officers; in acts of violence committed against some of your Italian subjects. You patiently waited the redress of these grievances, when the Austrian minister, on the 24 of March, came and announced to me that the Emperor, his master, had given orders that his troops should be put upon the war establishment. He assigned, as the reasons for this measure, the report transmitted from Valladolid to the princes of the Confederation of the Rhine, and the return of your Majesty to Paris. Your Majesty charged me to answer, in a note, in which I confined myself to the remark, that there was, in fact, between the two courts, no source of difference, and merely asked what it was that Austria required, and in case she was disposed to recede, I announced again the wish of your Majesty, that the nas tions of Europe might enjoy all the bles sings of peace! M. Von Metternich endeavoured, in his answer of the 12th, to make it appear that it was the armament of your Majesty which had made that of Austria necessary; just as if your Majesty had taken up arms against Austria at the moment you evacuated Silesia and the duchy of Warsaw, and

that 200,000 of your troops had procecded from Germany to Spain.

It was then that your Majesty, renounced all your projects against the English, and the expedition against Sicily, for which the King of Naples was prepared; and the embarkations which had been made at Brest, Boulogne, Flushing, and Toulon, were all laid aside. Every thing was suspended and the troops of your Majesty directed their march towards Germany; those too of the Confederation of the Rhine were set in motion.

No, it was by no means because France had taken up arms, that Austria made her armaments; but on the contrary because she thought France was enfeebled by another war, and deemed this a favourable moment for regaining her ancient influence. Austria makes war, because, without a doubt, she expects to gain by it; she makes war, without any ground of complaint, without preceding it by any demand, any proposal, or leaving any alternative; she makes war at a moment when your Majesty, far from yourself promoting it, has manifested nothing but good will towards her, and wishes for her peace and welfare; at the very moment when your Majesty had offered to be the gua rantee of the integrity of her territory; at the very moment that the Emperor Alexander himself, even while he declared to the Austrian minister his disapprobation of the conduct of the cabinet at Vienna, renewed his offers to guarantee that integrity against France. Austria makes war upon France and Russia, upon the two empires which had offered her their protection. It is, therefore, not for her own security that she has had recourse to arms. The treaties which her necessities had established, are no longer laws for her own conduct. She says they were made in moments of disaster, as if renunciations which victory had enforced, were not binding upon honour and good faith; even when the generosity of the conqueror did not excite gratitude. Every generous action has been disregarded, every duty violated. Your Majesty has received the tidings that the Austrian' army has crossed the Inn. They have begun the war. A letter from the Austrian general announces to the French commander that he is advancing, and that he shall treat any one as an enemy who opposes his progress.

Your Majesty knows, that in order to avert these inconsiderate commencements of war, your Majesty has done all that foresight and moderation could dictate. Your Majesty was desirous to spare your people new disquietude, and humanity a bloody conflict. But as the spirit with which Austria has at all times been animated, has rendered it the political maxim of that power to interpose a lasting obstacle to the maritime peace, it is perhaps by no means to be lamented that she herself has produced the crisis which can remove that obstacle. The maritime peace cannot be secured till the continental peace be first immovably established, and until the English have utterly lost all hope of disturbing it by their gold and their intrigues. Be this at least the result of this new war! Your Majesty cannot be jealous of the power of Austria. You do not desire her annihilation; but, since no other means are left, may you by your arms reduce her substantially to the condition of a pacific power. Peace is the conquest of which your Majesty is most worthy, for it is that you most desire.

Sire! Your people will support you in this new conflict. The astonishing foresight of your Majesty, which enables you to undertake a new war, without adding the least to the burthens of the state, is profoundly felt by a people full of gratitude and sensibility, who admire what is great, are the defenders of what is just, and who glow with military ar

dour.

Perhaps new exertions may be necessary to secure the success of your arms, should they anticipate your wishes. The self-devotion of your subjects will be conformable to the love and admiration they bear towards their illustrious sovereign.

(Signed) CHAMPAGNY,

Minister for Foreign Affairs. Paris, March 12, 1809. [To the above report is added an appendix, containing various letters, the substance of which is related in the report, and the copy of the Archduke Charles's letter of the 9th April, already inserted. These are followed by the remarks of the minister of foreign affairs, and additional documents.]

REMARKS.

The preceding official documents which his Majesty has ordered to be

communicated to the senate, contain the whole of the correspondence upon public affairs, that has taken place between his Majesty's minister and the legation of the court of Vienna. The last but one of these documents, which expresses on the part of the court of Vienna, an ardent anxiety to contribute to the peace and tranquillity of Europe and the last, which was an actual declaration of war, exhibit a contrast which must strike the mind of every one. It should at the same time be remarked, that in the series of the first 9 documents there is a chasm of seven months from the 3d of August, 1808, to March 10, 1809, during which it would appear that the activity of the mutual inter course between the two cabinets expe rienced some relaxation; but it is easy to account for this interruption of the negociation; it was occasioned by the arrival of his Majesty at Paris in the beginning of August, and the return of the minister, who was then enabled to resume his verbal communications with the ministers accredited to his Majesty. During this interval, events of the greatest importance took place in Ger many, and the political relations between the two courts accordingly appeared under different points of view. These differences are to be found in cer tain documents of still greater impor tance, which his Majesty has also or dered to be communicated to the senate. It appeared, however, to be necessary, that their perusal should be preceded by that of a statement of a verbal declaration, which may also be considered of a public nature, by his Majesty to the ambassador of the court of Vienna at one of his diplomatic levees; a statement which his Majesty ordered his minister to communicate in a circular, letter to the ambassadors at foreign

courts.

This communication will be made in due time, and will conclude with the reading of a report presented to his Majesty on the 2d of March, and which contains a complete account of the incessant, but unavailing efforts, which have been employed during the last six months to bring back Austria to those sentiments of confidence, and those pacific measures from which, even from regard to her own interest, she ought never to have deviated.

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