or connivance, or in any other way, which shut out the possibility of giving an opinion on the other part of his conduct, most deserving animadversion.

Mr. Bathurst was of opinion, that the resolutions proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer were such as completely to answer the purposes of the house, and if it was desirable it was competent to any hon. gentleman to follow up that resolution by any amendment that might be thought expedient,

Lord William Russell thought that the allegations laid before the house were fully and incontrovertibly proved, and not a doubt existed on his mind but abuses of the most improper kind did exist. Some of the good old practices of parliament were getting into disuse: formerly it was the custom to propose, that, previous to any vote of supply, that house should inquire into the state of the nation, and redress its grievances. He wished that if that good old custom was not to be revived, at least that its principle should, in the present instance, be applied; and that the house would think with him, that the speedily remedying the gross public abuses which had prevailed, was an object than which none demanded a prior investigation. Mr. C. Adams said, it was with great reluctance he could bring himself to give a vote against any branch of the royal family, but a sense of duty obliged him, under the circumstance proved against his royal highness, to vote in favour of the original motion,

Mr. Lockhart, upon a most attentive review of the evidence on this subject, thought there was no ground whatever for attributing to the Duke of York corruption, or criminal connivance at corruption,

Sir William Curtis justified the votes he gave upon the divisions, on the ground of the full consideration he had given to the evidence adduced

in support of the charges laid against the Duke of York; and he declared upon his honour, he could not upon such testimony find his royal highness guilty either of corruption or criminal connivance.

General Ferguson said, that being a military man, and differing in opinion from most of his brother-officers who had already spoken on this subject, he hoped the house would indulge him in a few words. Impressed with feelings of gratitude towards his royal highness, for the many marks of personal favours experienced from him, it was not without the most heart-felt regret he was obliged to give a vote of censure on that conduct, to which, otherwise, he could bear ample testimony of the most meritorious service to the army and the country. But, on a question like this, every feeling of private consideration must yield to public duty, and he should conceive himself unworthy of a seat in that house, if he was influenced by any other motive than a faithful discharge of his duty. He should not say a word on the evidence laid: before the house, as it had been already treated of in so able a manner that it would be presumption in him to make any observation but in a general way. After a most careful perusal of all the testimony of the witnesses, and a close examination of the various documents on the table, the result of that consideration has been, that he was of opinion, that his royal highness's conduct had been extremely culpable. Heavy guilt rested upon him, and until that guilt was disproved, he could not say that the commander in chief could hold that situation any longer with comfort to himself, or satisfaction to the public.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer then rose for the purpose of moving his new resolution, which was as follows:-"That it is the opinion of the house, after the fullest inves

tigation of all the evidence laid before them by the committee of the whole house, appointed to investigate the conduct of the Duke of York, that the said evidence affords no grounds for charging his royal highness, in the execution of his official duties, with the personal corruption alledged against him, or of any connivance of the practices therein specified."

Mr. Lyttleton did not see why a recorded opinion should be an hindrance to further proceedings, as any man who took a fair and impartial view of the evidence which had been unfolded during the frequent examinations that had taken place, would think the charges fully substantiated.

Sir T. Turton also regretted being compelled to give a vote on the question of guilty or not guilty of personal corruption, or spotless inuocence. Before God and his country, he declared it was his firm opinion, that the commander in chief knew what corrupt practices were carried

on.

Having that conviction impressed on his mind, he should be an infamous dastard if he shrunk from the acknowledgement of it. He would challenge any member of this house to give a vote of acquit tal, lay his hand on his heart, and say, "I have done my duty." He therefore thought that the house would agree to the following amendment, that instead of the words, "affords no grounds for charging the commander in chief, &c." the fol lowing be inserted: "affords grounds for charging his royal highness with knowledge of the corrupt practices carried on by Mrs. Clarke, &c."

Mr. H. Brown opposed the amend ment. It appeared to him, from the evidence laid before the house, that his royal highness was innocent of all the charges preferred against him; and concluded by supporting the amendment made by the chancellor of the exchequer.

Mr. M. Sutton could not avoid expressing his astonishment when he heard members complain of the a mendment of the chancellor of the exchequer. He thought they would have rejoiced at an opportunity of giving their vote in a clear unambi guous manner.

Mr. Dickinson supported Sir T. Turton's amendment.

Mr. Fuller defended the Duke of York, and thought him one of the finest generals England ever had. He would not give his vote to punish a person on suspicion. He was not afraid of his constituents.—It there was a dissolution of parliament, let them try him again in the shabby manner they had done. He finished by expressing his love for his country, and exclaiming,—If there is any man who does not like England, damn him-let him leave it !!!

Lord A. Hamilton, Lord Morpeth, Mr. Tracey, Mr. Bankes, Sir T. Turton, and Mr. Herbert spoke briefly, but the groanings from several parts of the house, and the calls for the question were so loud, that the lat ter could not be heard, and at last sat down.

Lord H. Petty then rose, and in a very animated tone observed, that in the present temper and disposition of the house, it was impossible to come to any rational conclusion, and therefore he thought it his duty to move, that the house do now adjourn. This motion the noble lord then handed up to the Speaker.

The Speaker holding the motion for adjournment in his hand, remarked, that, in the present tem per of the house, it was impossible to come to any decision, either with respect to the motion of adjourn ment, or any other. (A cry of chair! chair!) He requested the house to consult their own dignity, and to return to that silence and decorum that might enable them to come to some rational conclusion. He then stated the original motion, the a

mendment that had been made on it, and the motion now put into his hand for adjournment, and was proceeding to put the question on the motion of adjournment, when

The Chancellor of the Exchequer expressed his hope that the house would not concur with the motion of the noble lord for adjournment, He hoped they would consult their own character; and as they were now approaching to the important close of a question that had occupied them so long, they would still listen to argument, and preserve their patience a little longer; that as they had honourably commenced, they might also acquit themselves with honour of the investigation, He requested they would give a fair hearing to any member that might yet be desirous to express his sentiments on the subject.

Lord Henry Petty was unwilling to persist in his motion for adjourn ment, provided he should perceive the house in such a temper as to attend to the question before them, and to listen patiently to what might be offered on either side. But rather than proceed in the present disorder, and in the exhausted and impatient state of the house, he thought it would be better to adjourn.

Several other members then delivered their sentiments, but principally adverted to the arguments which had so frequently been urged.

officers were allowed thus to hold meetings and deliberate, why might not private soldiers imitate their example? Was this to be overlooked by the house? Was it not an attempt to erect an imperium in imperio to interfere in the deliberate proceedings of that house, and to answer its arguments by fixed bayonets? He warned the house of the existence of such a meeting, and concluded by observing, that what had transpired in the course of the present investigation furnished a new proof, if an additional one was wanting, of the necessity of a temperate reform; a reform which would extend not only to the administration of the army, but to the government in church and state.

The Secretary at War said in explanation that a military club, of which he was a member, met once a fortnight. The proceedings bore no allusion to the charges pending a gainst the Duke of York. That the proceedings should not be published until after the charges were disposed of.

Mr. Canning concurred with the hon. member (Mr. Whitbread) in the impropriety of any meeting of officers in behalf of the Duke of York, as such a measure was likely to injure his royal highness.

The question was then loudly called for, and the gallery was immediately cleared. The first division was on Sir Thomas Turton's amendment, and the numbers were, Ayes-135, Nocs-334. Maj. 199.

A second division then took place on Mr. Perceval's resolution:-Ayes 278, Noes 196.-Maj. 82. The house adjourned at half past four o'clock in the morning.

Monday, March 20.

"allowed to exist, which were cri"minal and disgraceful to his royal "highness;" and Sir Im. Curtis having seconded this motion,

Lord Althorpe rose, and said that there were one or two positions advanced by the right hon. gentleman who had just sat down, in which he could not entirely concur. With regard to the regret of the right hon. gentleman for the resignation of the Duke of York, he admitted that it was a great loss to lose the services of those who had while in office efficiently discharged their duty, but the loss of the services of the Duke of York was considerably lessened, when they recollected in what manner it had been proved at their bar that the royal duke discharged his duty. He differed also from that right hon. gentleman as to the great use and importance he thought proper to attach to the elevated rank of that illustrious person. He (Lord Althorpe) was rather disposed to think that such high rank and affinity to the throne were not the most recommendatory qualifications for the most responsible situation under the crown; and he appealed to those who heard him, if, in the course of the late proceedings, their débates were not, in some degree, influenced by considerations of delicacy, inseparable from any discussion, involving the character and honour of one so near his Majesty; and there fore, it did appear to him to be of the greatest importance that no per son should ever, for the future, be called to such high situations but such as could be completely responsible.--Another assertion of the right hon. gentleman went to the total acquittal of the Duke of York, as to corruption or connivance. was not necessary now, perhaps, to go into this, but as it was mentioned, he would state, that he did think the Duke of York had been proved guilty of connivance at the corrupt practices which had taken place;

It

and if his royal highness had continued in office, he thought that the house must have gone farther, and passed a sentence upon him that would have rendered his resig nation unavoidable. With regard to their subsequent proceedings, he was of opinion, that the question stood in a state in which the house of Commons ought not to suffer it to remain. He wished to place it on the journals, that the Duke of York had resigned. This notification would give consistency to the entire character of their proceedings, and bring it to its proper close, at the same time satisfactorily accounting why it was closed. Not, however, that he would be understood to say that he considered removal from office a constitutional punishment; but it would be in this case so far effective, as to preclude the possibility of that royal duke being ever re-appointed to a situation he has proved himself so incompetent to fill. No man can, of ought to hold that important situation, who was not in full possession of the con fidence of the country. The Duke of York has forfeited that confidence. He has lost the confidence of the country for ever, and by conse quence he must abandon all hopeş of ever again returning to that situation. This was a severe lesson, but it was as salutary as it was severe; it would prove to all who may succeed that royal duke hereafter, that it is not within the power of any Sovereign, however beloved or confided in, to protect his most favoured servant from the just consequences of the mal-administration of his public duty. His lordship then concluded with moving,

"That his royal highness the Duke "of York having resigned the command "of the army, that house did not now "think it necessary to proceed any "farther in the consideration of the "evidence before the committee ap"pointed to inquire into the conduct "of his royal highness, as far as that