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Might not half the city of London be destroyed, and was it not natural that many members should feel an anxiety to ascertain the extent of the calamity as speedily as possible?

Mr. Wilberforce and Mr. Wm. Smith were against the adjournment, and in compliance with the wishes of the latter, Mr. Mathew withdrew his motion of adjournment.

Mr. Windham commented on the extraordinary attempt of the right hon. secretary to substitute general declamation for fair discussion; he would feel astonishment if he thought the house could consider the last speaker's exertions a defence. In his eulogium of the Spanish people, and his disapprobation of the Emperor Napoleon, he agreed, but he was certain such attempts had nothing to do with the subject. It was a sorry assistance to Spain, to direct her attention only to our panegyric or our dislike. What would she think of our having withdrawn our means, and left them to their fate. Yes, says the right hon. gentleman, the Spaniards are a brave, a magnanimous people. They wil persevere they will contiuue-no vicissitude can change their disposition-no suffering can alter their steady purpose-Oh, yes, but all this time, you, their unqualified panegyrist are retreating, deserting those brave people, and sacrificing them to their fate. Surely the right honourable gentleman cannot forget what he promised, and the powerful means be had for realizing the hopes he held out. These hopes are dissipated, but still the Spaniards he is confident will persevere. In deed, he will allow me to say, in a few lines, with which I presume he is not unacquainted (alluding to Mr. Canning's anti-jacobin).

"He fled too soon, "On the first of June, "And bade the rest stay fighting. Among the living impressions left

on the minds of the people, was the example of our army, composed of the best disciplined troops, retreating from the country, and yet expecting that the raw Spanish troops should, from our encouraging expressions of-Brave Fellows-con tinue to maintain the contest which we have abandoned. It was not, however, because the Spaniards were not more or less energetic; that made no difference. Such were the vices of the order of the campaign, that the consequences, whatever had been the exertion, must have been the same. For instance, in the month of July, when every man in Portugal was, if not our friend, at least an enemy to France, such was the nature of our information, that we supposed the force of the enemy to be 4,000, when they actually amounted to 25,000. In Spain, again, what business had they to resist? because, if Bonaparte could send 500,000, and they could not oppose him, what use was there in us sending 30,000 men to their aid? If we could not send an army able to protect itself, we should have sent nothing. As men who throw themselves into a cold bath without water dash themselves against the wall.

Mr. Bathurst thought inquiry necessary in almost every part of the transactions in Spain; but still he objected to the idea of going into a committee. A select or secret.committee was not of sufficient importance, while to a committee of the whole house he had an insuperable objection.

Mr. Ponsonby expressed his surprise that the good sense of the hon. member who spoke last, while he admitted that every part of the campaign in Spain called for inquiry, should allow him to reject every mode of procuring that inquiry which could be adopted. He replied generally to the arguments on the other side.

The question was loudly called for, and the house divided

For the question 127-Against it 220.-Adjourned till Monday.

Monday, Feb. 27.

Mr. Foster moved, "That the sum of 26,3051. be granted for the maintenance and support of the protestant charity schools in Ireland."

Sir John Newport said, it was notorious that many abuses had long ex isted in the administration of these charities, by diverting the funds intended for the support of these institutions into the pockets of individuals; it was therefore but proper that ministers should, before they called on parliament to grant that money, satisfy them either that the evils complained of no longer existed, or else that an adequate remedy for their correction was intended to be applied.

Sir A. Wellesley admitted that abuses certainly did exist; and said, that accordingly measures were adopted by the noble duke in Ireland for their in vestigation, but the reports on that subject were not yet in a state of sufficient forwardness to draw the necessary conclusion.

Sir J. Newport said, he would submit a motion on the subject to the house on Thursday next.

Mr. Foster then moved, "That the sum of 26,6001. be granted for the promotion and encouragement of the linen manufacture in Ireland.". He also moved, "that the sum of 1,3821. be granted for lottery salaries;" as also that the sum of 21,900!. be granted for printing, stationary, salaries, &c. for the castle of Dublin.'

These several motions were agreed to. Mr. H. Martin observed upon the increase in the civil department of the army. He particularly noticed an increase of 10,000l. in the articles of fees at the Exchequer. Where expences were of a nature that added nothing to the efficient strength of the army, the house should be sure that no increase was suffered but what appeared to be absolutely necessary, and yet it should seem that there was an increase altogether of upwards of 100,000l.

The Secretary at War said, there were two heads of actual expence, which served to swell the present estiinates; the one was the actual increase

of the numbers in the army, and the local militia.

Mr. H. Martin expressed his surprise at finding the sum of 40,0001. for the erection of telegraphs; he also noticed the increase in the charge for chaplains for the army.

The Secretary at War explained upon the latter subject. Formerly there had been chaplains to every regiment, but that system had been found so full of abuse, it had been set aside. and in lieu of it, allowances were made to the clergy of the several churches in the neighbourhood of which troops were quarter. ed. But, since the different expeditions had been planned during the course of the present war, it had been deemed requisite to resort to chaplains again, and, in order to provide respectable characters, who might be willing to undergo the danger and fatigues of the service, chaplains had been appointed, one only to a brigade, with a salary of 15s. a day.

Mr. Wilberforce, alluding to the subject of chaplains, as now appointed to brigades, feared they would not be found to answer the purposes intended, and was inclined to think that the old system of chaplains to regiments would, under proper regulations, be found more effectual. He also seriously recommended a greater attention to the instruction and religious duties of the black troops in the West Indies, a body of men so peculiarly adapted to the service.

The Secretary at War said, be had stated that further improvements were intended in the system of chaplains, and agreed to the necessity of attending to the religious instructions of the black troops.

The Secretary at War then moved the following resolutions:-That the sum of 440,6491. be granted for the support of the various officers of hospitals, at home and abroad, for the last year. 257,7501. for the principal officers in the several public departments in Great Britain and Ireland, with their deputies, assistants, &c. 226,2631. for defraying the charges of the half pay list for 1809. 11,3041. 16s. 10d. for military allowan ces to reduced officers in the land service for 1809. 493,4121. 16s. 6d. for the in and out pensioners of Chelsea hospital. 4,001,8201. for volunteer corps in Great Britain and Ireland. 209,5001. for the local militia of do, 16,5001, før

the royal military college. 23,5001. for the royal military asylum. 24,9721. 12s. 11d. for chaplains to the forces. 115,0001. for pensions. 14,1001. for children of deceased officers. 479,8271. 17s. 2d. for the barrack department in Ireland. 239,5051. for the commissariat establishment in Ireland.

Mr. Foster moved the further consideration of the report of the distillation

bill:

Upon the question being put from the chair,

Sir J. Newport stated, that the majority was so small upon the former stage of the bill, he was induced again to offer some objections to its proceeding further, as it related to a subject which ought not to pass without the greatest solemnity and precaution. "I shall now,” said the honourable baronet, 61 urge some reasons that induced me to think this bill ought to be sent back to the committee, for the purpose of extending it to Ireland as well as Great Britain. On a former occasion, the chancellor of the exchequer for Ireland stated, as one of the grounds for excluding Ireland from the operation of this bill, that the laws could not be properly euforced in that country, which I think was a reproach thrown out, affecting most grievously the national character of the Irish, by insinuating that they are naturally disinclined to obey the laws. To hear oue of the first ministers of that country saying, that the Jaws cannot be enforced, is striking at the root of that principle by which any set of people are to be governed. The Causes and consequences of such an avowal ought to be well weighed before it be made. I do not,for my own part,think that the Irish people are born with a disposition to resist the laws. A prudent legislature would rather inquire whether there was any injustice and defects in those laws themselves, than thus wantonly attribute a disposition in any body of people to disobey there. I will adduce the authority of an Englishman, who wrote at a period much earlier than the present, upon this subject. Sir John Davies states, that no nation under the sun is naturally more disposed to obey the laws than the Irish are, provided they be assured that equal justice be done to them. The reports of the officers who have been entrusted with the execution of this bill, shew that the disobedience to it was not owing to the lower

VOL. V.

orders of the people, but that it was the higher classes of the gentry, who found they could not get their rents, unless they encouraged distillation from grain. Do not then let the lower orders of the people be aspersed by charges of disobedience being confined to them, if there be such a resistance amongst the higher orders. The prices of grain in Ireland are higher now than they were in May last; and on what grounds, I would ask, was Ireland included last year and not to be so in this? From the prohibition of distillation from grain in Ireland last year one great good had resulted to that country; I mean the extending the consumption of malt liquor. By conferring such a substitute for spirits, you are doing more for them than any law you can put upon your statute book. It has been stated, that in 1801, twelve thousand puncheons of spirits were distilled from sugar in Ireland, and yet now it is said that a law of a similar tendency cannot be executed. I have an argument furnished by the hon. gentleman opposite, in support of what I am stating. He has come down to the house, and proposed within this few hours, an increased provision for every one of the charitable institutions in Ire land, on account of the increased price of provisions, and yet he is proposing ane w the distillation from corn, because of the low price of provisions. This is perfectly absurd. Are we to take the authority of the hon. gentleman both ways, just as it pleases him, and suits his purpose? The very object of granting these additional sums will be defeated, by allowing this distillation from corn.-From a comparison of the prices of grain in 1807, 1808, and 1809, it will that the increased price is appear not owing to any particular accident, but that it has been gradual. As the law now stands, the corn of Ireland is the corn of Great Britain; and if there be an abundance in Ireland and a deficiency in Great Britain, we would be no more warranted in allowing the dis tillation from grain in Ireland, and discontinuing it in Great Britain, than we would be to suspend it in Yorkshire, and allow it in other parts of England, There is evidently reason to apprehend a scarcity in Ireland; and, therefore, distillation from grain ought not to be allowed."-The right hon. baronet then concluded with moving, “That this report be recommitted."

The above motion of Sir J. Newport was accordingly put from the chair, after the first motion was agreed to, namely, "That the report be Now taken into further consideration,"

Mr. Fuller said, that many weak arguments had been resorted to that night, and he begged leave humbly to insist that ministers should have not let out such weak secrets; they should not have let the people know that it was not in their power to prevent illegal distillation: they should have observed such a secrecy in this respect as is becoming in family disputes. He did not mean to speak against the Irish nation, whom he considered a fine, honourable people; but he would make one remark; they had been spoken against on account of religion and other things, that he knew nothing at all about; but he thought the only thing they wanted was catching and taming; and he appealed to the house whether that could be effected by spirits, which must operate to make them tenfold wilder? Upon the whole, he considered it impolitic, unwise, and unjust.

Mr. Hibbert offered a few remarks on the fatality and inconsistency of the measure before them. The Irish illicit trade was of the nature of all other illicit trade; great risk was incurred, and it must be for the hope of great advantage. The house would therefore do well to consider whether the great extent of the illicit trade in Ireland did not arise out of the laws, and that system of policy which had been pursued by the government.

Sir A. Wellesley denied that the articles of union were broken through by

the measure.

Mr. Foster said, that after the strong personal allusions made to him by an hon. baronet, he could not permit the question to pass in silence. That hon. baronet had been pleased to say, upon the authority of a newspaper, that he (Mr. Foster) bad thrown out a charge against the people of Ireland. He threw out no charge against the people, but what he had said against the lower. classes had been extended by the hon. baronet to the higher classes, who accused all, when he had only accused a part. With respect to the distillation from sugar, he had heard that all who were concerned in it failed.

Mr. D. Browne rose to acquaint the house of a fact, which, perhaps, they

were not aware of; it was, that at the present moment, there were many conditional orders to send grain from this country to Ireland, in case Ireland was not excepted.

Mr. Perceval said, he was ready to admit, that wheat might go to Ireland for seed, but as to barley or oats being sent, it was quite impossible, barley and oats being dearer here than there.

After a few words from Alderman

Combe, Colonel Barry, and Mr. Barham, the house divided, when there appeared, For the recommittal of the bill 99-Against it 61; Majority against ministers 31.

Tuesday, Feb. 28.

Mr. Bankes moved, that, in consequence of the voluntary surrender of J. A.Shee, the order which was yesterday made, for an address to his Majesty, respecting his apprehension, be now discharged, and that he be committed to Newgate for gross prevarication.— Agreed to.

Mr. W. Pole rose for leave to bring in a bill enabling the widows of officers in his Majesty's navy and marines to receive their pensions with greater facility. The hon. member in a clear and concise statement, demonstrated the advantages of the present establishment for that purpose. He obscrved that the fund was now so rich, that stock to the amount of 173,000l. in the 3 per cents. had been purchased, notwithstanding which, a considerable share of trouble and difficulty arose to the persons on the list, in consequence of the payments being made in London only. He wished therefore that they may henceforward receive their different apportionments at their own houses.-Leave was given to bring in the bill.

Loid Folkstone moved that the house be called over to morrow se'nnight, the 8th of March, being the day appointed for further discussing the inquiry respecting the commander in chief. His lordship stated that he did not conceive that there would be any difference of opinion as to its propriety.

Mr. Perceval said, that he was by no means inclined to oppose the call. He trusted, however, that there would be no further postponement of this discussion.

General Gascoyne and Mr. Bankes spoke of the inconvenience to which many members would be subjected,

after which the house divided, for the motion 102, against it 15.

Mr. C. Wynne postponed, until Monday se'nnight, his observations on the concluding paragraph of the Duke of York's letter. He spoke of its affecting the privileges of that house in no inconsiderable degree.

Mr. Ponsonby wished to know of the right honourable gentleman opposite, (Mr. Canning) whether the treaty with the supreme junta of Spain had been ratified; and whether the force we sent from Lisbon to Cadiz was not denied admittance there.

Mr. Canning answered, that as to the ratification of the treaty, he did not know; and to the second question he could only say, that he was willing to give any general information in his power, but could not at present.

The house went into a committee on the corn prohibition bill; when several new clauses were agreed to.

Mr. Wharton brought up the report of the committee of supply, and the several resolutions were agreed to.

Wednesday, March 1.

The bill allowing a bounty on the importation of flax seed into Ireland was read a first time.

On the motion of Mr. Huskisson, the house resolved, that towards raising the supply granted to his Majesty, an issue of five millions in exchequer bills should bc made, in order to make good the like sum yet to be paid out of the 20 millions of war taxes for the last year.

Sir S. Romilly moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the bankrupt laws. The hon. gentleman entered into a brief sketch of the evils of the present system, and afterwards detailed the specific objects of his bill. Among the principal were, to release the bankrupt after the surrender of his property to creditors, from all liability to further demands to prevent the assignees of a bankrupt converting the property to their own uses, under a penalty of being charged 20 per cent, for the money-to take from the creditor the power of refusing to sign the certificate of the bankrupt and to petition the Chancellor, instead of bringing actions against the assignees, for not paying the dividend. There was but one part of his bill which he meant to bear a retros pective character; it was to propose that all those uncertificated bankrupts, who, at the present moment, had passed

their examination above two years, should be entitled to their certificate, The honourable baronet concluded a most feciing and impressive speech, by moving for leave to bring in a bill to alter and amend the bankrupt laws.-Leave granted.

The corn distillation prohibition bill, and the Irish spirit suspension exporta tion bill, were read a third time and passed.

Thursday, March 2, Gregson's divorce bill was read a 8d time and passed.

Mr. Foster presented an account of the quantity of coru imported into, and exported from Ireland during last year.

The house went into a committee on the act relative to the drawbacks and bounties on sugar. The act expired on the 25th of this month, and it was proposed to continue, for a limited the provisions of this act.

Friday, March 3.

me,

Mr. H. Thornton presented a bill for building a bridge over the Thames at Vauxhall, which was read a first time.

Mr. Lockhart obtained leave to bring in a bill for enabling the Golden lane brewing company to sue and be sued in the name of its acting manager.

Sir S. Romilly presented his bill to alter and amend the bankrupt laws.-Read a first ́time.

Mr. C. W. Wynne rose to bring for ward his promised motion upon the subject of Brigadier General Clavering's testimony before the committee of the house for investigating the conduct of his royal highness the commander in chief. The impression made on his mind by the testimony of General Clasering on the second night of his examination was, that the house ought not to separate without coming to some reso lution upon it. In the prevarication of his evidence, he had not the same excuse to plead with a person called to the bar involuntarily, forced to answer against his will, and for whose prevarication, under the impression of embarrassment, and natural anxiety for self defence, there would be at least some colour of excuse; but when a witness volunteers his testimony, and coming forward unasked, prevaricates in his evidence, his conduct very strongly implies a previous and deliberate intention to impose on the house. He was asked, " Do you of your own knowledge know that Mrs. Clarke has used her

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