of the two years, from the Lecompton or the corn-fields of Illinois, I say the charter down to the Presidential election, farther off the better. We cannot close shall be written, it will be shown that the our eyes to the sad and solemn fact that scheme was deliberately made to break war does exist. The Government must up this Union. They desired a North- be maintained, its enemies overthrown, ern Republican to be elected by a purely and the more stupendous our preparaNorthern vote, and then assign this fact tions, the less the bloodshed and the as a reason why the sections may not shorter the struggle. But we must relonger live together. If the Disunion member certain restraints on our action candidate in the late Presidential contest even in time of war. We are a Chrishad carried the united South, their tian people, and the war must be prosescheme was the Northern candidate cuted in a manner as recognized by successful - to seize the Capital last Christian nations. We must not invade spring, and, by a United South and di- Constitutional rights. The innocent must vided North, hold it. That scheme was not suffer, nor women and children be defeated in the defeat of the Disunion the victims. Savages must not be let candidate in several of the Southern loose. But while I sanction no war on States. the rights of others, I will implore my countrymen not to lay down their arms until our own rights are recognized.

"But this is no time for a detail of causes. The conspiracy is now known. Armies have been raised, war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides to the question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this warmly patriots or traitors. Thank God, Illinois is not divided on this question. I know they expected to present a united South against a divided North. They hoped in the Northern States party questions would bring civil war between Democrats and Republicans, when the South would step in with her cohorts, aid one party to conquer the other, and then make easy prey of the victors. Their scheme was carnage and civil war in the North. There is but one way to defeat this. In Illinois it is being so defeated by closing up the ranks. War will thus be prevented on our own soil. While there was a hope of peace I was ready for any reasonable sacrifice or compromise to main-ed on every inch of American soil, it tain it. But when the question comes will then be time enough to ask who and of war in the cotton-fields of the South what brought all this upon us. I have

"The Constitution and its guarantees are our birth-right, and I am ready to enforce that inalienable right to the last extent. We cannot recognize secession. Recognize it once, and you have not only dissolved government, but you have destroyed social order, upturned the foundations of society. You have inaugurated anarchy in its worst form, and will shortly experience all the horrors of the French Revolution. Then we have a sol- · emn duty-to maintain the Government. The greater our unanimity the speedier the day of peace. We have prejudices to overcome from the few short months since of a fiercé party contest. Yet these must be allayed. Let us lay aside all criminations and recriminations as to the origin of these difficulties. When we shall have again a country with the United States flag floating over it and respect

ONE PATH OF DUTY.

sion that the firm and unanimous support which the democratic leaders and masses are now giving to the Constitution and the Union will ever be deemed evidences of infidelity to democratic principles, or a want of loyalty to the organization and creed of the democratic party. If we hope to regain and perpetuate the ascendency of our party, we should never forget that a man cannot be a true democrat unless he is a loyal patriot."*

in respect to the policy of Mr. Lincoln until the conspiracy was crushed and and his Cabinet. I am not in their con- abandoned, when they resumed their fidence, as you and the whole country former positions as party leaders upon ought to be aware. I am neither the political issues. These acts of patriotic supporter of the partisan policy nor the devotion have never been deemed eviapologist for the errors of the Adminis- dences of infidelity or political treachery tration. My previous relations to them on the part of Clay and Webster, to the remain unchanged; but I trust the time principles and organization of the old will never come when I shall not be will-whig party. Nor have I any apprehening to make any needful sacrifice of personal feeling and party policy for the honor and integrity of my country. I know of no mode by which a loyal citizen may so well demonstrate his devotion to his country as by sustaining the Flag, the Constitution, and the Union, under all circumstances, and under every administration (regardless of party politics), against all assailants, at home and abroad. The course of Clay and Webster toward the administration of General Jackson, in❘ the days of Nullification, presents a noble and worthy example for all true patriots. At the very moment when that fearful crisis was precipitated upon the country, partisan strife between whigs and democrats was quite as bitter and relentless as now between democrats and republicans. The gulf which separated party leaders in those days was quite as broad and deep as that which now separates the democracy from the republicans. But the moment an enemy rose in our midst, plotting the dismemberment of the Union and the destruction of the government, the voice of partisan strife was hushed in patriotic silence. One of the brightest chapters in the history of our country .will record the fact that during this eventful period the great leaders of the Opposition, sinking the partisan into the patriot, rushed to the support of the government, and became its ablest and bravest defenders against all assailants

In accordance with these patriotic injunctions were his last words, a parting legacy of advice to his children, as his wife leaned over him in his dying moments :-"Tell them to support the Constitution and the Laws."

When Congress met in extra session in July, according to the custom of that body a day was set apart for the expression of sentiments of respect to the memory of the deceased senator. Eulogies were pronounced in the Senate by his colleague Mr. Trumbull, by his successor Mr. Browning, by Mr. McDougall of California, Mr. Nesmith of Oregon, Mr. Collamer of Vermont, Mr. Anthony of Rhode Island; and in the House by Messrs. Richardson, McClernand, Arnold and Fouke of Illinois, Messrs. Crittenden and Wickliffe of Kentucky, Mr. Cox of Ohio, Mr. Lane of Indiana, and others. Many things were said in honor of the

*Letter of Stephen A. Douglas, Chicago, May 10, 1861, to Virgil Hicox, Chairman State Democrati Cornmittee.

SENATOR DOUGLAS AND PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

237

departed senator's career, his energy, his will linger with pleasure, are events growing out of the relations between him and the President of the United States. Those relations were, in my opinion, alike honorable to the departed Senator and the living President. The country knows they had long been rivals, the acknowledged leaders of their respective parties. They passed through the senatorial contest of 1858, (a contest which was really a battle of giants,) with their personal relations cordial and friendly. The great presidential contest

men.

public services, his patriotism, his superiority to party in the last months of his life. From the collection of these obituary addresses published by Congress we select a passage from the remarks offered by a Republican member of the House of Representatives, for its bearing on the topics of this narrative. The following enumeration of the eminent men furnished by Illinois to the annals of the country in the present generation is certainly noticeable, embracing as it does several of the distinguished of 1860, in which victory changed from actors of the present war. "About Douglas to Lincoln, left them still friends. twenty years," said Mr. Isaac N. Arnold You, Mr. Speaker, and most of the memof Illinois, "there practiced at the same bers of this House, witnessed the gracebar, in the small town of Springfield, Il- ful courtesies extended by the distinlinois, a very remarkable combination of guished Senator to the President elect Among them Abraham Lincoln, on his arrival here in February last. President of the United States; Stephen The conduct and bearing of Douglas were A. Douglas-not less distinguished; Ly- certainly in the highest degree graceful man Trumbull, the eminent colleague of and magnanimous. None who witnessed Douglas; James Shields, who won a high it can ever forget the scene on the eastreputation on the battle fields of Mexico, ern portico of this Capitol, when Mr. and in this Capitol; E. D. Baker, Sena-Lincoln, in the presence of the Repretor from Oregon; John J. Hardin, who sentatives of the people, assumed the fell upon the bloody field of Buena sublime prerogatives of Government, Vista; James A. McDougall, Senator and swore by the eternal God that he from California; O. H. Browning, the would faithfully support the Constitution successor of Judge Douglas. Besides and enforce the laws of his country. these, there was the late Governor Bis- Douglas, not by accident, stood by his sell, whose eloquence, in vindication of side; and, in the midst of scowling traitthe bravery of the Illinois volunteers ors, whispered in the ear of the Presiagainst the aspersions of the traitor dent that, come what might in the dark Davis, is still remembered in this House; and cloudy future darkening before him, and there was also Richard Yates, the he would stand by the Government and present Governor of Illinois, and my dis- strengthen its arm to crush treason and tinguished friends and colleagues, Colo- rebellion." nels Richardson and McClernand."

Of the personal relations between Senator Douglas and President Lincoln he said, "Among the many incidents in the life of Douglas, upon which the people

In conclusion said he, "Douglas died at a moment when he had the ability and the disposition to have rendered the greatest services to his country. He died on the eve of this grapple between

government and anarchy-between law ume of waters of the great lakes over and lawlessness-between liberty and Niagara; he would have led it onward slavery-between civilization and bar- to crush and overthrow this wicked rebarism; the result of which is to shape bellion. Yes, Mr. Speaker, had he lived the destiny of this continent. Had he until this day, there would have been lived he would have led this grand, heard in these Halls no voice louder, sublime uprising of the people-this ma- clearer, more emphatic than his, dejestic popular movement now sweeping manding action-action-prompt, vigor onward like the deep and resistless vol-ous, decisive action."

CHAPTER XVII.

AFFAIRS AT BALTIMORE.

people of the country, who had known. no other regulations of their conduct than those incident to a state of peace, it is not to be wondered at that its exercise was looked upon in many quarters with alarm. This was especially shown in regard to the arrests which at this time began to be made of suspected persons, and the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, which became a necessary part of the system. The conflict of military and civil law in these proceedings called forth considerable discussion.

TURNING Our attention from the occurrences in front of the Capital to the important city in the rear, we find the military administration of General Cadwalader, at Baltimore, conducted with the prudence and moderation which had marked the policy of the Government from the outset. The object was, from the beginning, while proper protection was given to the Union interests, and the insurrectionary tendencies of a portion of the inhabitants were firmly held in check, that the city should feel as little as possible the interference of a foreign authority. The successive appointments One case in particular became of of military rulers afforded proofs of this especial note, as the occasion of a strongdisposition on the part of the Govern- ly pronounced judicial opinion from Chief ment. The officers chosen were known Justice Taney, who resolutely opposed for their moderation. They were pru- the action of the Administration. John dent and conciliatory, and their power Merryman, a wealthy and influential when it was displayed, being obviously citizen of Maryland, residing in Baltiexerted for the preservation of peace more County, was, at 2 o'clock on the and the maintenance of the common wel- morning of the 25th May, arrested on fare, and strictly limited to the necessities general charges of treason and rebellion, of the occasion, a majority of the citizens by an armed force under orders of Gensustained their action. As the authority, eral Keim of Pennsylvania, and lodged however, was an unusual one, abhorrent as a prisoner in Fort McHenry, in custody to the habits and cherished ideas of the of General Cadwalader. Under these