have confided to him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, or even to count the chances of his own life, in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility he has so far done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and your action may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens who have been disturbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to them, under the Constitution and the laws.

And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly hearts. July 4, 1861.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

BORDER STATE POLICY.

As one of the first and most important tasks of the Government was to prevent the Border States from being placed in the power of the secessionists, so one of Mr. Lincoln's severest trials in the first year of his Administration was so to meet and check the moves of the leading men in those States, who were at heart with Jefferson Davis, that he would not irritate the sullen, or excite the lukewarm to open opposition. The following letter which explains itself fully, is a good example of the quiet manner in which he showed these men that he understood, and would withstand them.

REPLY TO GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN, OF KENTUCKY.

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 24, 1861. To His Excellency B. MAGOFFIN, Governor of the State of Kentucky-Sir:-Your letter of the 19th inst., in which you "urge the removal from the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organized and in camp within that State," is received.

I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this subject, but I believe it is true that there is a military force in camp within Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States

which force is not very large, and is not now being augmented. I also believe that some arms have been furnished to this force by the United States.

I also believe that this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, having their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not assailing or menacing any of the good people of Kentucky.

In all I have done in the premises, I have acted upon the urgent solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I believed, and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the Union loving people of Kentucky.

While I have conversed on the subject with many eminent men of Kentucky, including a large majority of her members of Congress, I do not remember that any one of them, or any other person, except your Excellency and the bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me to remove the military force from Kentucky or to disband it. One other very worthy citizen of Kentucky did solicit me to have the augmenting of the force suspended for a time.

Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not believe it is the popular wish of Kentucky that the force shall be removed beyond her limits; and, with this impression, I must respectfully decline to remove it.

I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to preserve the peace of my own native State, Kentucky, but it is with regret I search for and cannot find, in your not very short letter, any declaration or intimation that you entertain any desire for the preservation of the Federal Union.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

GENERAL FREMONT'S EMANCIPATION ORDER.

But Mr. Lincoln's perplexities were not all caused by the malignity of the slavery propagandists. Not a few were created for him by the unwise impetuosity of those who seemed to think that there was only one question to be considered in the war, or rather that the war was to be successfully prosecuted by attacking slavery without

regard to law, or even to circumstances.

Prominent

among these was General Fremont, who assumed the responsibility of declaring the slaves of all active participants in the rebellion, free. This act Mr. Lincoln thought both ill-timed and an unwarrantable arrogation of power; and he annulled it in the following letter.

Assured

WASHINGTON, D. C., September 11, 1861. Major-General John C. Fremont-Sir-Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2nd inst., is just received. that you upon the ground could better judge of the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your proclamation of August 30, I perceived no general objection to it; the particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves appeared to me to be objectionable in its non-conformity to the act of Congress, passed the 6th of last August, upon the same subjects, and hence I wrote you expressing my wish that that clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer just received expresses the preference on your part that I should make an open order for the modification, which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that the said clause of said proclamation be so modified, held and construed as to confirm with, and not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject contained in the act of Congress entitled "An Act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and the said act be published at length with this order. Your obedient servant. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

Gen. Fremont was relieved in November, of his command in the Department of the West, which devolved upon General David Hunter. Mr. Lincoln always modestly disclaimed any military ability; but the following letter, addressed to that General on the occasion of his taking command, was justified in all its military views by the subsequent course of events in that Department throughout the war:

LETTER TO GENERAL HUNTER.

WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861. Sir-The command of the Department of the West having devolved upon you, I propose to offer you a few suggestions, knowing how hazardous it is to bind down a distant commander in the field to specific lines of operation, as so much always depends on the knowledge of localities and passing events. It is intended, therefore, to leave considerable margin for the exercise of your judgment and discretion.

The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Mississippi is believed to have passed Dade County in full retreat upon Northwestern Arkansas, leaving Missouri almost free from the enemy, excepting in the southeast part of the State. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems desirable—as you are not likely to overtake Price, and are in danger of making too long a line from your own base of supplies and reinforcements-that you should give up the pursuit, halt your main army, divide it into two corps of observation, one occupying Sedalia and the other Rolla, the present termini of railroads, then recruit the condition of both corps by re-establishing and improving their discipline and instruction, perfecting their clothing and equipments, and providing less uncomfortable quarters. Of course, both railroads must be guarded and kept open, judiciously employing just so much force as is necessary for this. From these two two points, Sedalia and Rolla, and especially in judicious cooperation with Lane on the Kansas border, it would be very easy to concentrate, and repel any army of the enemy returning on Missouri on the Southwest. As it is not probable any such attempt to return will be made before or during the approaching cold weather, before spring the people of Missouri will be in no favorable mood for renewing for next year the troubles which have so much afflicted and impoverished them during this.

If you take this line of policy, and if, as I anticipate, you will see no enemy in great force approaching, you will have a surplus force which you can withdraw from those points, and direct to others, as may be needed-the railroads furnishing ready means of reinforcing those main points, if occasion requires.

Doubtless local uprisings for a time will continue to occur,

but those can be met by detachments of local forces of our own, and will ere long tire out of themselves.

While, as stated at the beginning of this letter, a large discretion must be and is left with yourself, I feel sure that an indefinite pursuit of Price, or an attempt by this long and circuitous route to reach Memphis, will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in the loss of the whole force engaged in it. Your obedient servant,

The Commander of the Department of the West.

A. LINCOLN.

THE CONGRESSIONAL SESSION OF 1861-2.

Congress met for the second time after Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, on the 2d of December, 1861. Theso nearly a victory, closing in so shameful a panicfirst battle of Manassas Plains, or Bull Run, which took place during the extra session of July, caused great exultation at the South, and was followed, as the reader will remember, by an adhesion of all the timeservers and waiters upon Providence south of Mason and Dixon's line to the cause of the insurgents, by the consolidation of the so-called Confederate Government, and the casting of the whole weight of the influence of the governing classes in Europe against the government of our Republic. It was followed also by greater preparations on the part of our Government, and excited, after the first day or two of depression, only a more fixed determination on the part of loyal people. Under these circumstances, Mr. Lincoln sent in his second Message.

MESSAGE.

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives—In the midst of unprecedented political troubles, we have cause of great gratitude to God for unusual good health, and most abundant harvests.