While the Sheriff in Dublin was being thus dealt with, there had been no delay in warning the sheriffs throughout the different counties of the views of the Government, and notwithstanding outrage and tumult in Dublin, the schemes of the disaffected were baffled by the firmness of the executive, and especially of the Law Officers of the Crown, with the warm approval and support of Parliament. Mr. Pitt quite understood the difficulty, and approved of the course adopted. Mr. Pitt was known to be in favour of an English Reform Bill. It was his discussion of that question which had first secured to him public attention, and it was believed that as soon as he was more firmly seated in his administration, Reform of the English Parliament would be undertaken. The opinion was encouraged that a simultaneous Bill would be made an Irish measure with the assistance of the Crown, and that existing abuses would then receive their full measure of consideration. The seed thus sown produced good fruit. The more moderate of the Irish party were content to wait,—the more violent the Law was adequate to deal with.

There was little else of interest to prolong the Session.

Having promised so much and accomplished so little, Parliament re-assembled on the 20th of January, 1785. The Duke of Rutland was able to speak of the disturbances as past, and, in conjunction with the Premier, to seriously apply himself to the settlement of the difficulty. Influence, in the meantime, had been at work to induce the Volunteer forces to abstain from further interference in political or social questions; considerable success had attended the efforts so made, and many resigned their commissions. In his opening speech the Lord Lieutenant "lamented the lawless outrages and unconstitutional proceedings which had taken place since the prorogation, and expressed his satisfaction that they were confined to a few places, and even there condemned. He observed with pleasure that, by the salutary interposition of the laws, the general tranquillity was re-established. He directed attention in the King's name, to the consideration of those objects of trade and commerce between Great Britain and Ireland, which had not yet received their complete adjustment." The usual recommendations then followed. Mr. Flood took exception to

the passage which stated the existence of "lawless outrage and unconstitutional proceeding," and moved an amendment directed towards Reform, which was negatived without a division. The usual address was voted. His Majesty in his answer thereto spoke in determined language of "the attempt to overawe Parliament." "His Majesty has observed with great concern, the popular disturbances that have lately prevailed from the intemperance and indiscretion of misguided men, and confides in the constant and strenuous endeavours of his faithful Commons of Ireland to prevent their pernicious effects, and their resolution to reject and suppress every assumed authority which may attempt to dictate to the legislature, affords his Majesty the highest satisfaction." A change had indeed taken place, when such words could be addressed to a Parliament which, three years previously, had accomplished its own independence by closely similar means. Mr. Grattan defended the Volunteers against the charge of complicity in the disturbances complained of; he drew the attention of the House to "the alarming measure of drilling the lowest classes of the populace, by which a stain had been brought on the character of the Volunteers ;" he stigmatized the attempted Congress, and declared "that two sets of representatives, one de jure, and another supposing itself a representative de facto, cannot well exist." The House desired to conciliate the Volunteers, and to make amends for the aspersions which had been cast upon them; and resolved "That the Volunteers of Ireland have been eminently useful to their country, by the protection they afforded against a foreign enemy, by their present exertions in support of the police; and that this House highly approves of the conduct of those who, since the conclusion of the war, retired to cultivate the blessings of peace."

In answer to the invitation in the speech from the Throne, Mr. Orde brought forward his famous resolutions regarding the trade between Ireland and Great Britain. They were eleven in number. They had been altered and settled by the advice and with the assistance of Henry Grattan, and were considered by him "to be perfectly indispensable." He described them "as having a three-fold principle:-1. After the expenses of the nation are

paid, to contribute to the general expenses of the Empire. 2. That by making the surplus not applicable to the general expense till all expenses are paid, it interests both the British and Irish Ministers in Irish economy. 3. To subject the surplus to the control of the Irish Parliament." He described the plan "as open, fair and just, and such as the British Minister can justify to both nations." The resolutions, after discussion, passed without much opposition. They were based on the principle of equalisation of duties in both countries. They preserved existing protections,-Ireland retained the privilege of fixing her own duties on her own productions, and could control the duties imposed on such articles in England. The result must have been to send a large English commerce to Ireland. They presented, however, opportunity for discord. The last resolution provided that "for the protection of trade, whenever the gross hereditary revenue of Ireland should exceed £650,000, the excess should be applied to the support of the Imperial fleet." Here lay the snare! Was Ireland to be a tributary nation to Great Britain ? It was admitted that it was England's fleet, England's counsels, and England's influence, rendered such trade not only possible but safe. These advantages were considered as affording no justification in calling on Ireland to thus contribute. The resolution was modified to meet the views of the opponents, accepted by the Parliament, and transmitted to England. Pitt at once gave evidence of his friendly disposition to Ireland, of which he had previously exhibited many indications. He introduced the resolutions, and recommended the English Parliament to accept them. In order to put the two countries on a fair footing, he proposed to reduce the concessions to two heads-1. The importation of the produce of our Colonies in the West Indies and America through Ireland into Great Britain. 2. A mutual exchange between the two countries of their respective productions and manufactures upon equal terms."* The linen trade of Ireland was to be continued as her monopoly. English manufacturing and commercial towns became alarmed;

*Plowden, vol. ii.

sixty-four petitions were presented against the resolution, that from Lancashire having 80,000 signatures. The alteration in the eleventh article gave colour, if not force, to their remonstrance and dissatisfaction. It was impossible, in the midst of the public agitation, to attempt to pass the Irish resolutions in the form in which they had been received. Pitt took them under his special care. He had them re-arranged with the view of what was just and equitable between the two countries. The period for the final adjustment of jealousies and differences had at length arrived. Both Parliaments were on their trial, and time was allowed for deliberation.

The Militia Act had expired. The necessity for the re-constitution of an armed force, under the direct control of the Crown, was obvious. The conduct of the Volunteers had alienated many supporters. They had, in defiance of the law, ranged themselves by the side of armed citizens for the purpose of insurrection. They were now objects of fear rather than of admiration. Opportunity offered to invite the well affected in their ranks to be enrolled in the service of the Crown, for which their volunteer exercises both fitted and pre-disposed them. On he 14th of February, Mr. Luke Gardiner moved "That the sum of £20,000 be granted to His Majesty for the purpose of clothing the Militia of this Kingdom." The discussion which followed afforded opportunity for contrasting the Volunteers as the champions of constitutional rights, and as the abettors of civil disturbances. In the former position they had won the gratitude of their country, and had given stability to her Councils; in the latter they had assisted in the defiance of law and subversion of social order, causing loss of life and great injury to property. The Attorney-General expressed himself in severe terms respecting them. "They had," he said, "admitted into their ranks a low description of men, and proceeded in a most unconstitutional manner." Mr. Grattan declared "the Volunteers had no right to be displeased at the establishment of a Militia, and if they had expressed displeasure the dictates of armed men ought to be disregarded by Parliament." He drew distinctions between the primitive Volunteers and the then existing force, and

observed, "There is a cankered part of the dregs of the people that has been armed: let no gentleman give such men countenance, or pretend to join them with the original Volunteers." Mr. Gardiner's resolution was carried by 139-63.

The Parliament found time to pass a measure which has since been often quoted,* which provided "that holders of leases under charter school property, by applying within the first seven years of their lease, or of last renewal, and paying down one year's rent, with the cost of new leases, should of right be entitled to renewal for forty-one years; but no relief in law or equity if seven years elapse." This Act so far afforded security of tenure, and is the first statute that gives legal effect to what has since been known as "tenant right." [App. 14.]

The petitions against the Irish commercial resolutions led to certain modifications in a measure intended to be mutually binding. In the many changes of British mercantile obligations with those countries with whom Ireland was privileged to trade, not only under the resolutions, but by the laws then in force, it was anticipated that circumstances might arise when Great Britain might require to modify or abandon the existing obligations. It was necessary to provide against such a contingency, and accordingly the 4th of the English resolutions proposed :

"That it is highly important to the general interests of the British Empire that the laws for regulating trade and navigation should be the same in Great Britain and Ireland, and, therefore, that it is essential towards carrying into effect the present settlement, that all laws which have been made, or shall be made, in Great Britain for securing exclusive privileges to the ships and mariners of Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Colonies and Plantations, and for regulating and restraining the trade of the British Colonies and Plantations, such laws imposing the same restraints and conferring the same benefits on the subjects of both Kingdoms, should be in force in Ireland by laws to be passed by the Parliament of that Kingdom for the same time and

*25 Geo. III. c. 55.