glected one moment after he came into office, to reinstate that nobleman in a post of honour, which had been shamefully taken from him, on account of his giving a free and honest vote in the house of Peers. The Duke of Portland, who was to succeed Lord Carlisle, would, he trusted, have power to form a strong and permanent union, so essential to the interest of both kingdoms, and which would, in his opinion, be far better than a hasty, undigested motion, artfully introduced to seek a little popularity, although the honourable gentleman had disclaimed any such idea.

Mr. Martin, and Lord George Cavendish, jun. held nearly the same language.

Mr. T. Pitt could scarcely recover from his astonishment, that any man, a servant of the public, should dare to refuse giv ing every information in his power, when called upon by his majesty's ministers; nor was he able to express sufficiently his indignation at finding a member of that house introduce so slightly a motion of so much consequence, that upon it might depend the salvation of Great Britain and Ireland.

Mr. Burke adverted to the arduous situation of the new ministers, when so many objects presented themselves to their consideration; the state of America, of Ireland, of our finances, &c. The motion before the house went, in some measure, to tear asunder the connection between England and Ireland, and yet the house was to be hurried into a decision in a moment upon a question of such magnitude: he would not give an opinion on the subject; he would not say whether the 6th of George I. ought, or ought not to be repealed; but he held that nothing could be more mad than to call upon parliament to proceed to such a measure in a moment, without giving time for any deliberation. He then mentioned the necessity of bringing in his own bill as soon as possible, for regulating his majesty's household.

General Conway once more called upon Mr. Eden to withdraw his motion; but not finding that gentleman willing to do it, he grew very warm, and said, that for having introduced such a question, he ought to have a motion passed upon himself..... Here there was a great cry of hear! hear! move! move!

Mr. Herbert said, he left Ireland about a twelvemonth since; that he was perfectly convinced the people of that country wanted nothing more than their rights; and as he was thoroughly convinced his majesty's ministers were sincere in their declarations, he thought the right honourable gentleman's motion quite unreasonable.

The Secretary at War (Mr. T. Townshend), begged the house would recollect, that in every business where Ireland was concerned, he had uniformly been an advocate for that country;

and if the late wicked ministry had listened to the prayers of the different petitions from that kingdom, the present alarming crisis had never happened. He had, he said, as high an opinion of the honour of Lord Carlisle as any man breathing, and stood up for his honour as much as his secretary had done; his abilities were such as required but little help; they would always shine forth and shew themselves. His lordship, he was confident, would not approve of the conduct of his secretary, in withholding his knowledge of the state of Ireland from the present ministry, on account of any little paltry personal grievance. His lordship, he was certain, did not resign on purpose to be pressed to stay; he was a nobleman that would despise such conduct, and would not suffer himself to be made the cat's paw of his secretary, or any other man breathing.

The motion to-day, he said, so far from being meant as a conciliatory measure, was intended as a fire-brand, to kindle and stir up the flame between the two countries, by first proposing a thing, which it was impossible gentlemen could instantly decide on, and then threatening, that if it were not instantly complied with, he should be obliged to acquaint the House of Commons of Ireland, that it had been rejected. He advised the right honourable gentleman to withdraw his motion, and not trouble the house to divide.

Mr. Baker said, he wondered at the learned gentleman's de claration, that there was no difference between withdrawing a motion, or getting rid of it by reading the order of the day. That learned gentleman was capable of seeing and making proper distinctions if he chose it, he was therefore not a little surprised to hear him argue in so unaccountable and extraordinary a manner. He expressed his doubts whether Mr. Eden would make a fair representation of that day's debate in Ireland.

The Speaker called Mr. Baker to order, and said, no member could consistently with the rules of the house, argue in that manner of another member's fairness.

Mr. Baker said, he spoke of Mr. Eden as a minister, and not as a private man. In the latter capacity, from early habits of friendship and intimacy, he had a great respect and esteem for him; but though he wished him personally no ill-will whatever, he thought a motion of censure necessary, if the motion were not withdrawn.

Mr. Courteney said, that no man in the house listened with more pleasure than he did, to the just and liberal sentiments of the right honourable gentleman on the floor, (Mr. Fox), as declaratory of the wise and generous system of policy meant to be pursued, by the present administration, in respect to Ireland. Yet he was extremely concerned and surprised to hear the right honourable gentleman assert, that the present motion (if come

into), would be equivalent to unconditional submission from his country, and a relinquishment of all her rights over Ireland. He said, he little expected such a construction from the right honourable gentleman. Unconditional submission was a term often and justly stigmatized by the right honourable gentleman himself in respect to America, and which he never expected to have heard in a debate, in relation to Ireland. No man in that house hated the term more than he did. The people of Ireland were too generous, too spirited, and felt too much for the honour of this country, to expect or demand such a humiliation from Great Britain.

He declared, that from his present correspondence with gentlemen, with whom he had the honour of serving, and who now served in the volunteer corps, and who would be found ready at every hazard, with temper, but with firmness, to maintain their just right, he found the general opinion of the people to be, that nothing but a repeal of the exceptionable part of the 6th of George I. which was stated with so much accuracy, and pressed with so friendly a zeal to Ireland, could ever allay the jealousies of that country, and totally efface all apprehensions at the overbearing authority of Great Britain. This, he observed, was the well-weighed and settled opinion of men, to whose animated and generous exertion it was owing that Ireland was at this day a part of the British empire; that nothing was so dangerous as provoking men, who, by their uniform and loyal conduct for a series of years, had shewn themselves slow to anger; and who had connected a due execution of the laws, and maintenance of the internal civil police of the country, with those constitutional principles of liberty, which they were determined to support.

He added, that if it were not presumption to suppose, that the opinion of an individual could add weight to that of a whole nation, he should not scruple to assert, that what the honourable gentleman had declared to be the claims of Ireland, were perfectly reasonable and well founded; and as an evidence that these were his real sentiments, he pledged himself on all occasions, as well as the present, to second the same, or even a more comprehensive motion, to ascertain and establish clearly, and beyond all possibility of doubt, the just and constitutional rights of Ireland.

He said, he would not enter into a formal discussion of the right of judication in the House of Lords in England, that not being the direct object of the honourable gentleman's motion, though it had been incidentally introduced into the debate, further than to observe, that the assumed, jurisdiction of the English House of Lords over the courts of law in Ireland was

not in practice till long after the restoration, and then arose from necessity; for there was no parliament convened for many years, and consequently no House of Lords sitting: in order, therefore, that the subject might not be deprived of the right of appealing, it occasioned the necessity of allowing appeals to the House of Lords in England. So much, Mr. Courtenay said, he had remarked, in respect to that part of George I. which related to judicature: with regard to that part of it, which asserts the supremacy of the English over the Irish legislature, he should only observe, that clause was introduced unnecessarily, and was not called for by the preamble, the professed object of which was only to maintain that superintendant judicature of the House of Lords over the courts of justice in Ireland: but the act goes much beyond that point, when it maintains the supremacy of the legislature of this country over Ireland. In short, what the act professed to do is limited to the judicature; and what it enacts, is insidiously extended to the supremacy of one legislature over the other. Besides, he was surprised, that gentlemen seemed to consider their claim of exemption from the assumed control of that country, as a novelty, when, in fact, the Irish, whenever constitutional points were discussed, maintained their exemption from the British legislature, as their undoubted right; but having at that time only reason on their side, they submitted through necessity: at this auspicious period, however, when they not only had reason to support their claims, but volunteers to enforce them, they trusted, that by the united assistance of both, their loyal requisitions would be attended to, and their just rights established.

He declared he could not conclude without saying a word to the reprehension, which had been given to the honourable gentleman who had made the motion, as if it had arisen from personal pique and disappointment. He said, he was persuaded, the honourable gentleman had acted in England that day as he had acted in Ireland during the whole course of his administration, from a sincere anxiety to promote the happiness and welfare of both countries; and that it was from that conviction, and not from any concert or previous information he had taken the liberty of seconding the motion, of returning the honoura ble gentleman thanks for it; and of declaring, that whenever that motion should be made again, he would again do himself the honour to second it. He added, that so little was he acquainted with the intention of the honourable gentleman to move the present question, that he even apprehended the honourable gentleman had acted by the approbation, and in concert with the present administration. He was induced to believe this, by what the honourable gentleman had mentioned of the precipitate recal of Lord Carlisle, as he conceived, that

in order to give the noble lord credit and popularity on his recal, his secretary had been permitted to move for the repeal of acts, which would come as a general obliging condescension from this country, instead of superinducing a necessity in the Irish House of Commons to come to an explicit and strong resolution of what they and their constituents conceived to be their just, invariable, and constitutional rights.

He concluded with declaring, that in his earnest desire to second the motion, he had no other motive than zeal to promote a cordial conciliation between the two countries; and to remove for ever all cause of jealousy and dissatisfaction; and he sincerely trusted that this debate would tend to no other consequences.

Mr. Alderman Townshend spoke with indignation of the conduct of the right honourable gentleman who came over to this country: he withheld all information from government; forgot or neglected his duty as a servant of the public; and just, because he chose to fancy that the Earl of Carlisle had a feather plucked from his cap, he refused to serve his country in one of the most critical and alarming moments that we ever saw. He thought that this conduct was so truly improper and dangerous, that parliament could not, with any regard to its own dignity, overlook so flagrant a neglect of duty in one of the public servants. Was the right honourable gentleman to conceive, that he was the servant of the lord lieutenant of Ireland, and not the servant of the public; or that he could thus mix personal considerations with official duty? It was certainly fit and candid, that his majesty's ministers should be allowed the necessary time to frame and bring forward their measures, and not on the first day of their appearance in the house be treated as they had been by the right honourable gentleman. The obligation which that gentleman was under, as one of the ministers of Ireland, to give every aid and assistance to government which he could do, and by which the interest of his country might be promoted, was of so serious a nature, that it ought not to be sported with; and he should not be surprised, if, when he went back to the country of which he is a minister, the House of Commons should impeach him for his neglect of duty. The right honourable gentleman declared, that he absolutely believed, that if the order of the day, or the previous question, should be put upon his motion, it would produce the most alarming consequences. If this then were his opinion, why did he force the house to this dangerous measure, by persisting in his motion? He would, and he ought to be responsible for all the consequences of his conduct.

Mr. Mansfield (late Solicitor General), defended Mr. Eden's conduct; but declared it appeared to him to be a matter perfectly