over Ireland, and of the danger of opposing it in contradistinction to the superintendency of the Irish parliament. Mr. Burke observed, that in the then divided and distracted state of the empire, when every thing seemed to be falling to pieces, it became men to be firm, and to look on the preservation of what yet remained as their first duty. The question being put, it passed in the affirmative without a division. Notwithstanding the Earl of Carlisle was sent over on purpose to give firmness and energy to the Irish government, which was considered on this side of the water to have been greatly enfeebled by the administration of his predecessor, he found himself wholly incapable of checking the spirit of volunteering, which, now knew no other object, than the attainment of a free and independent constitution.. The reviews in 1780 had pointed out the utility of forming regiments: it was clearly perceived, that companies acting separately could never attain military perfection. In the spring of 1781 reviews were again fixed on, and in summer when they assembled, the improved state of the volunteers was obvious to every eye; the reviews were every where more numerous, more military, and more splendid. That of Belfast, which in 1780 was the largest, had in 1781 nearly doubled their number: 5383 men then appeared in review, with a train of thirteen field pieces; other reviews had proportionally increased and improved; the volunteers engaged the affection and commanded the admiration of all their countrymen. The inhabitants of the different places where they were reviewed, behaved with unbounded hospitality, and entertained with emulous profusion their countrymen in arms. Lord Charlemont was again particularly distinguished among the reviewing generals, and reviewed a very considerable part of the volunteer army. The addresses and resolutions after the reviews in 1781, were greatly diversified; some contained politics, and spoke bold truths; others avoided political discussion: all felt that Ireland was not free. *On the 9th of October, 1781, the Earl of Carlisle met the parliament, when after the common place recommendations of the charter schools, linen trade, tillage, fisheries, and general commerce of the country, his excellency assured them, that his majesty ardently wished the happiness of his people of Ireland, in whose affection and loyalty he placed the firmest reliance. "And although," said his excellency, "I am not directed to call "upon you for any extraordinary supplies in this time of general hostility, when these kingdoms are exposed to an unnatural "and dangerous combination of enemies, I have not the smallest "doubt, but that I shall be enabled to assure his majesty of your "cordial disposition to give him every assistance compatible "with your means and circumstances. "No event could more contribute to the public security than "the general concurrence, with which the late spirited offers of ἐσ assistance were presented to me from every part of this king"dom; and I am fully convinced, that if necessity had arisen, it પ was in my power to have called into action all the strength and แ spirit of a brave and loyal people, eager under my direction to "be employed in aid of his majesty's regular forces, for the pub❝lic defence. ἐσ "I trust that every part of my conduct will demonstrate how "much it is the wish of my heart to engage your confidence: I "shall claim it only in proportion as I shall be found to deserve it, by an unwearied endeavour to promote the prosperity of Ire"land; and I am sensible, that this is the best method of recom"mending my services to our sovereign, and of obtaining your concurrence toward the ease and honour of my administration." It had now become notorious, that government wished to check and disarm the volunteers; but they were frightened into acquiescence; they had before reluctantly distributed amongst them 16,000 stand of arms, and it was now found politic to soothe and court the power they could no longer control. “ Mr. O'Neil moved the address to the throne, which was as usual an echo of the speech; to which no opposition was given. He felt himself called upon to explain, that the words liberality of the British parliament were merely confined to the grants of their late extended commerce to America and the West Indies. Mr. Grattan, after having made some reflections upon the liberality of the last parliament in voting 500,000l. and the incompetency of the nation to support Great Britain in the prosecution of the American and French war, took notice of the extreme caution, with which the address avoided mentioning the word volunteer, that wholesome and salutary appellation which he wished to familiarize to the royal ear; he would not, however, insist on having it inserted, as he had reason to believe the right honourable mover did intend to make a proper mention of those protectors of their country. Mr. O'Neil declared, he was not deceived in this opinion, that the motion to which he had alluded, was intended to thank the volunteers of Ireland for that glorious spirit, unexampled in all history, with which they had so eagerly pressed forward, when the nation was thought to be in danger. He then moved, that the thanks of the house should be given to all the volunteers of Ireland, for their exertions and continuance, and for their loyal and spirited declarations on the late expected invasion. Mr. Conolly seconded the motion. Mr. Fitzgibbon (afterwards Earl of Clare) thought the vote unnecessary and improper, after the censure which had been passed upon part of that body last session. They were totally incompatible, and could not stand together in the records of one parliament. He therefore moved, that the former censure should be read, before the present motion should receive its decision. Mr. Bradstreet the recorder observed, that almost at the time the resolution mentioned was passed, parliament relented, and be, came itself a mediator. He was exceedingly averse from renewing any jealousy between parliament and the volunteers. Error was the common lot of human nature: it was not inconsistent with the tenor of human occurrences, to censure at one time, and give due praise at another; and therefore requested that Mr. Fitzgibbon would withdraw his opposition. Mr. Conolly found himself so much interested in that affair, that he could not decline expressing his sentiments. He was the person, who had the honour of first moving the thanks of that house to all the volunteers of Ireland, for taking up arms at a critical period. He was happy to be the harbinger of such a token of national gratitude; but when the papers alluded to were published, by some few volunteers, he thought it incumbent on him to get up again, for the honour of the whole, and move the vote of censure, which remained upon the journals, against the dangerous resolutions that had been published. The same spirit that prompted him to applaud the virtuous and patriotic conduct of the great body of volunteers, obliged him to condemn whatever appeared derogatory from that character, in a few ; yet, notwithstanding all the misrepresentations, that had been made of his conduct in the public papers, his love and attachment to the volunteers was still the same. The few who had fallen into error, had gloriously repaired the fault; and he would now, with as much pleasure as ever he felt in his life, support the vote of thanks, and move to expunge the vote of censure. Mr. Fitzgibbon declared, he did not rise to oppose the motion of thanks to the volunteer corps, for whom no man entertained a higher respect than he did; but he rose to preserve the dignity of the house, to prevent their proceedings from falling under the charge of inconsistency. He hoped the conduct of the house would ever be marked by a dignified uniformity, which could not be the case, if they entered into a resolution of thanks to all the volunteers, while the journals of the house contained matter of the highest censure against some particular corps. Those resolutions he therefore wished done away, before the house could proceed to a vote of thanks. Mr. Scott (attorney general, afterwards Lord Clonmel) asserted, that the resolution had been only intended against the printers and publishers of inflammatory paragraphs, and not aimed at the volunteers; that if the honourable gentleman, who now made the objection, had been present last session, he would have joined in the resolution. He had as high a veneration as any man in the kingdom for the armed associations, or call them by what name they would, (said he) a virtuous armed people. If any blame lay for want of prosecution, it in a great measure lay with him, as the proper officer of the crown. But he could not help thinking that the parliament, last session when the respectable name of volunteer was abused, shewed a peculiar dignity in taking up that affair, and then generously relinquishing every idea of resentment, lest it should be considered as extending to the whole body. After a long debate, Mr. Fitzgibbon withdrew his objection, (indeed, every member wished it never had been started) and the house passed the resolution of thanks with the most hearty and unanimous good will, at the same time ordering the sheriffs of the different counties to present them. At this critical juncture, the patriotic body of Ireland may with truth be said to have consisted of the minority in parliament, and the whole mass of the people, high, middle, and low, without. They were determined to go hand in hand; to act in concert, and never to desist, till they were free and independent, as was Great Britain. On the 10th of October, 1781, Mr. Bradstreet, the recorder, a very staunch patriot, moved in the House of Commons* for leave to bring in heads of an Habeas Corpus Bill, prefacing his motion by observing, that the liberty and safety of the subjects of Ireland were insecure until an Habeas Corpus Act should take place; that arbitrary power had made great strides and innovations on public liberty, but was effectually restrained by that law which had its full operation in England, but did not exist in Ireland. It was, he said, the opinion of a great and learned judge, that this law was the grand bulwark of the constitution. Leave was granted; and Mr. Yelverton and the recorder were ordered to prepare and bring in the same. Mr. Grattan said, he was willing never to condemn an administration until he thoroughly knew he had sufficient grounds. The ministry of England had offered America the regulation of her own armies ; he could not see any reason, why the loyal people of Ireland should be denied that benefit. He would, he said in due time, bring forward the mutiny act to be agitated upon that subject; and if it were opposed, it would at least have the constitutional freedom and spirit of the country to contend with. A bill for rendering the judges independent during good behaviour, and some other bills, were spoken of. When Sir • Parl. Debates, p. 10, Lucius O'Brien arose, and said, that a matter of the utmost importance to the nation, had too long remained undecided, our freedom of trade with Portugal, where goods of Irish manufac ture had been stopped, and were not permitted to be sold. Mr. Eden arose, and agreed with Sir Lucius, that a great deal of time had been spent about this very embarrassing business; but assured the house, that the utmost exertions had been used both on this and the other side of the water, to bring it to a hap py termination. Mr. Yelverton thought there had been some design in the speech, to lead their imaginations away from this important object; it had, indeed, talked of Protestant charter schools, making of roads, digging of canals, and carrying of corn; and contained half a dozen lines that might be found in every speech for fifty years past; subjects more proper for the inquiry of a country grand jury, than for the great inquest of the nation; but not one word of our trade to Portugal; that had been designedly omitted. On the subsequent day, after some conversation upon the proper time for adjourning, and a strong recommendation from the speaker to bring in the money bills before the close of the session, Mr. Yelverton declared, that he was determined to profit by the excellent advice the speaker had given the house. He gave notice, that immediately after the recess, he would move the house for leave to bring in heads of a bill to regulate the transmission of bills from that kingdom to England. At the present, their constitution was the constitution of England inverted. Bills originated with the British minister, and with that house it only remained to register, or reject them. Such was the miserable state of Ireland, and in that state it would remain, as long as a monster, unknown to the constitution, a British attorney general, through the influence of a law of Poyning's, had power to alter their bills. So generally had this been admitted by every member of the house, that last session, when he moved for a modification of Poyning's law, gentlemen urged, that though that power lay in the hands of the English attorney general, yet it was never exercised to any bad purpose; but the declaration was scarcely made, when an altered sugar bill annihilated our trade to the West-Indies: annihilated might be thought too strong an expression, but it surely injured it in a very high degree. After a recess of three weeks, the house met on Monday, Oc tober 29, pursuant to adjournment, when the recorder presented a petition from the guild of merchants, stating, that the great advantages, which that nation was promised by a freedom of trade to all the world, were likely to prove merely imaginary, as from the present almost universal war, our commerce was confined to very few nations, and amongst them, the kingdom of Portugal, |