it impoverished the people there, it at the same time furnished the means of future oppression, and repeated public rapine. It was a matter of notoriety, when Ireland had applied for some trifling favour in the last session, some few days only before the noble marquis moved the address read that day at the table, that the minister in the other house, (Lord North) understanding, that the house was about to relax, and that the favour was upon the point of being granted, came down, and by his sole influence threw out the bill by a majority of three only; and, not contented with giving a silent vote, spoke with his usual energy and success against it. This act of declared hostility against the people of Ireland, with the subsequent neglect of administration, in not attending to the united sentiments of the British legislature, was, in his opinion, the cause, that Ireland was not now in a perfect state of tranquillity and obedience to the government of this' country; and that, instead of ten or twelve thousand associators, there was now, he believed, full four times the number, well armed and accoutred, and daily improving in discipline. The Irish saw what they must trust to, and they took their option. The honor and dignity of the crown were disgraced; the sword was dropped, and the people had taken it up on the double motive of defending themselves against a foreign enemy; and compelling that justice with arms in their hands, that had, as with America, been denied to their humble applications, and the repeated narratives and representations of their calamities and distress. After disclaiming all personal resentment in the act of duty, he undertook to perform, his lordship then moved the following resolution: "That it is highly criminal in his majesty's ministers to have "neglected taking effectual measures for the relief of the king"dom of Ireland, in consequence of the address of this house of "the 11th of May, and of his majesty's most gracious answer: "and to have suffered the discontents of that kingdom to rise to "such an height, as evidently to endanger the constitutional con"nexion between the two kingdoms, and to create new embarrassments to the public councils, by disunion and diffidence, in "a moment when real unanimity, grounded upon mutual confi❝dence and affection, is confessedly essential to the preservation "of what is left of the British empire." แ Earl of Hillsborough arose, and admitted, that he thought Ireland was entitled to a free trade with equal taxes, or, as he had before expressed himself, to an equal trade. So far his opinions went, and on that ground he thought himself well warranted in recommending to his majesty, and proposing to the consideration of parliament the granting Ireland an equal trade. As to the event of this measure, all he could positively say, was, that it perfectly accorded with his ideas of policy and justice: and from the temper and disposition of the people of both kingdoms, he had good grounds to hope, that an equal trade, with the conditions to be annexed, would give perfect satisfaction and content, as well to the British, as the Irish nation. The Marquis of Rockingham said, the non-importation agreement in Ireland had not been general, but had been entered into only by some counties and towns, at the time his motion was made; but as soon as the Irish perceived, that no relief was to bè expected from ministers, though every branch of the legislature had promised it, the non-importation agreement became general, and the spirit of military association, which was directed solely to defence against a foreign enemy, soon assumed a different form; and looked forward to compel that relief, which, with good will and good intentions on our part, had before no existence in the minds of the people of Ireland. Had something been done when he first moved, or if parliament had been kept sitting, according to the propositions of his noble friend, of the 2d of June, neither the associations, nor the non-importation agreement, would have ever existed in their present extent. Could their lordships, then, with such self-evident proof before them, refuse, when it was, perhaps, the only measure which could effect the salvation of their country from the innumerable perils which encompassed it on every side, to pass a censure upon those men, who, by such base neglect, or complicated folly and treachery, had forced the Irish not only to those measures already mentioned, but had driven them to the last necessity, that of taking up arms to redress themselves, and forming into associations, which, however well intended, most clearly amounted to a suspension, if not a subversion, of all the power of legal government; and which, if speedy measures of conciliation were not adopted, might terminate in a civil war. Among the grievances complained of by the people of Ireland, his lordship mentioned the expressions of disapprobation, on the shameful abuse and scandalous waste of the public revenues,* and the pension list. As an instance of this charge, he mentioned the purchase made of the office of Clerk of the Pells in that kingdom, from the then possessor of that place, an honourable member of the other house, who was an ornament to his country, (Mr. Fox) who held it by virtue of a patent for thirty-one years. In describ ing the whole of this accommodation, he observed, that the net profit of the place was but 2300/. a year; that the minister gave 30,000/. in hand, and a pension of 17007. per annum; but for what purpose did he make this usurious contract? Not to oblige or serve that gentleman; not to relieve that kingdom from an enormous annual charge of a sinecure place, which required no attendance, but to qualify for the place on the spot, a custom long fallen into disuse, Earl Gower said, he had the good fortune to unite the house last session, upon the terms of the address to the throne. He was in hopes, that something effectual for the relief of Ireland, would have arisen from the unanimous concurrence of their lordships, in the amendment that he had the honour to propose. If, however, nothing had been done for the relief of that country, which he was pretty sure was the case, he assured the house he had done every thing in his power to keep his word, which he had solemnly pledged to their lordships, he was ready to acknowledge; but he must add, in his own justification, that his efforts had proved totally unfruitful. It was not in his power, nor in the power of any individual, to effect any such purpose. He had presided, he said, for some years at the council table, and had seen such things pass there of late, that no man of honour or conscience could any longer sit there. The times were such as called upon every man to speak out: the situations of those two kingdoms, particularly at present, required sincerity and activity in council. Lord Stormont, said he was of opinion with the noble earl who spoke early (Hillsborough) that no part of the charge contained in the motion had been proved; nor were the parties accused, admitted to their defence. Lord Camden said, the motion was so fully proved and substantiated in all its parts, that there was not a proposition in Euclid, the demonstrative proof of which might not, with equal justice, be controverted or denied. Ministers had been desired, by the first authority in this country, the king, lords, and commons, to give Ireland relief; to inquire into the nature of their distresses and remove the ground of their complaints. The question was, had they done so? If they had, the motion must fall to the ground: if they had not, did not the onus lie upon the ministers to state the reasons why they had not, or were unable to perform what they were entrusted to execute? He spoke highly of the Irish nation; of their loyalty and affection; their wisdom and their public spirit. He hoped and be the very form, upon every occasion, having for many years, and upon most occasions, been dispensed with, by the aid of a British act of parliament, but merely to accommodate Mr. Jenkinson, (now Earl of Liverpool) secretary at war, and to load the sinking revenue of that country with a still heavier burden, by increasing the income of this sinecure place from 23001. per annum, which it was when the honourable gentleman held it, to 3500l. per annum, on Mr. Jenkinson's appointment; besides 17007. a year given to the former gentleman on the pension list; by which means Ireland was loaded with a burden of 52001. a year, or an addition of 2900/. a year, as long as the patentee, the grantee, and the children of the former, included in the patent, should live; and 19007. a year in perpetuity, in addition. Nothing could be more usurious ....nothing more ungenerous, than this job of the minister. lieved, notwithstanding the ill treatment they had received; the cruel burdens imposed upon them by this country; and the succession of neglects and harsh measures they had felt, which had at length brought on an accumulation of distresses and calamities; that yet, all circumstances considered, they would still retain their affection and attachment for England. Nothing should be done by halves; nothing niggardly, or apparently accompanied with reluctance. He lamented the state of public afiairs, and the baneful consequences of the American war; yet he did not entirely despair of, at least the friendship and good will, though perhaps, we had no great right to hope for the sovereignty of America. Ireland was still ours, and devoted to us. This island, with the aid of that kingdom, was still equal to make a most respectable figure among the powers of Europe; and if nothing better could be procured, he was persuaded, that, with Ireland, rendered useful to herself, and of course, to us, we should still be a match for any confederacy which might be formed against us. The question being put, was negatived by a majority of 82 against 37. The critical and alarming situation of Ireland was debated more diffusely and warmly in the British House of Commons, than in the Peers. On the 6th of December, 1779, Lord Upper Ossory rose, and prefaced his intended motion with a short speech in its support, which he confessed, when moved, would appear to amount to a vote of censure upon ministry, for their total inattention to the affairs of Ireland, towards the close of the last session, and during the whole of the prorogation of parliament. They had, he said, totally abandoned the government of that kingdom to chance; they neither felt for its distresses, nor provided against its possible, nay, probable and natural resentments. They turned a deaf ear to its moderate requests; and had the peculiar merit of transforming the last stages of national misery and public despondency, into vigour, strength, spirit, and every means which could concur to draw forth a most formidable resistance, and all the time stood by unmoved, as unconcerned spectators, or as if giving countenance to the measures taken by Ireland, in order to compel a full and effectual redress of all her real and ideal grievances. He contended, that the spirit of resistance directed towards independency, which had manifested itself in Ireland, was imputable, and solely imputable, to the shameful inattention and criminal neglect of ministers, who might have, in the early stages of the miseries of that kingdom, granted the Irish substantial relief, and prevented the seeds of those disorders, which now threatened à dissolution of all constitutional govern 15 Parl. Debates, p. 99. ་ ment, from growing up suddenly to their present state of maturity: such relief too, as being founded in justice, and dictated by motives of sound policy, would have operated preventatively. The Irish would have rested content with the compliance of requests, far short of what they were fairly entitled to expect: no man could answer, at that instant, by what bounds their demands would be limited: no man could say on what conditions they would be satisfied; or upon what basis the interests and respective rights of both countries could be fairly established, without either a total separation, or consenting to throw too great a weight into the scale of Ireland. As, therefore, the unhappy dilemma this country stood in, respecting that kingdom, arose entirely and exclusively from the inattention of administration, he begged leave to make the following motion, to be proposed by way of resolution. Resolved, "That it is highly criminal in his majesty's ministers, "to have neglected taking effectual measures for the relief of the "kingdom of Ireland, in consequence of the address of this house "of the 11th of May last, and of his majesty's most gracious "answer; and to have suffered the discontents of that kingdom "to rise to such an height, as evidently to endanger a dissolution " of the constitutional connexion between the two kingdoms, and "to create new embarrassments to the public councils, by division " and diffidence, in a moment, when real unanimity, grounded upon mutual confidence and affection, was confessedly essential "to the preservation of what was left of the British empire." Lord Middleton seconded the motion, and repeated several instances of the inattention of the noble lord in the blue ribbon, and of his having set his face against the desired relief to Ireland; he spoke of the part he had taken the two preceding sessions respecting Irish affairs; that the first, they had been put off by mutual consent, to be more fully investigated the succeeding session; and the last, when he had the honour to preside in the chair of the committee, where some resolutions, for the purpose of granting some small favour to Ireland, passed without any considerable opposition; he said, the noble lord, when he found the house in a temper to acquiesce, came down professedly to defeat the measure, and threw out the bill on the second reading. The defence of administration was, on this occasion, ably conducted. It was contended, that the distresses and miseries of Ireland, could not with justice be attributed to the present, or any late ministers; that her grievances existed many years before, in the general system of trade laws; that the restrictions then. laid on arose from a narrow, short-sighted policy, which, though conceived in prejudice, and founded on ignorance, was yet so strengthened by time, and confirmed by the habits of a century, |