vigor and despatch to effect the important objects for which Congress were convened-the protection of com. merce-preparations against hostilities, should the nego tiation fail-an increase of revenue.

The President had stated, that the greater part of the cruisers which had committed depredations had been built, and some of them partially equipped in the United States. This was an evil to be suppressed without delay. The Senate immediately passed a bill prohibiting citizens of the United States from privateering, either against nations in amity or against their fellow-citizens. With some modifications it passed the House.

The importance of preventing the exportation of arms and ammunition was indicated by the crisis. It was increased by information which had reached the Government. A bill passed the Senate prohibiting the exportation of them. It received the vote of the House, but not until after a strenuous opposition, for the reasons that it would injure the manufacture of those articles, and would be prejudicial to France.

Several other bills also passed the Senate, in pursuance of Hamilton's suggestions. That to augment the corps of Artillerists and Engineers was determined by a large majority. A bill for the protection of trade met with more opposition. It proposed to man and equip the frigates, and to purchase and fit nine twenty gun ships. A motion was made to strike out the clause for the purchase of these ships. It was followed by another, by which the national vessels were only to be employed within the harbors, and on the sea coast of the United States. Both motions were rejected. Laws to authorise the President to organize a provisional army of fifteen thousand men, to be called into service only in the event of war, and to lay and revoke embargoes were defeated.

A bill to permit the arming of private merchant vessels, and to regulate them, was postponed to the next session The votes of the Senators on some of these measures were influenced by information received during their deliberations of an armistice between France and Austria, and by the hope of a general peace.

The political complexion of the House of Representatives was not of a decided cast ;-although the Administration had a majority, the advantage of partisan talent was with its opponents, most of the strong men of the Federalists having retired, or been elected to the Senate. Of their successors, too many were too much alive to popular sentiment, the tone of which, the long-continued and unresisted injuries of France had lowered.

As soon as the Address to the President was presented, Smith submitted to the House of Representatives a series of resolutions in which Hamilton's plan was embodied. The first proposed, that provision should be made for fortifying the ports and harbors. After an opposition by Giles and Mercer on the ground of expense, it passed. The second, that the frigates, " Constitution," "Constellation," and "United States," should be completed and manned, was much opposed in various ways. It was sought to refer it to a select committee. The want of funds was objected. It was proposed to complete, but not to man. After a debate, which showed the fixed purpose of the Democratic leaders to prevent, if possible, the employment of a Navy, the resolution passed.

The purchase of other frigates and of sloops of war embraced in the third resolution was more warmly resisted. The object of providing a Naval force was asked. It was avowed to be for the purpose of convoy. This, it was contended, would lead inevitably to war, and should be postponed until the issue of the negotiation was

ascertained. The right of employing convoys was questioned. The advocates of the measure insisted on the necessity of provisions for defence; and demanded why commerce should be left a prey during a protracted negotiation, when, having taken our vessels and drained us of our wealth,-France will tell us, "We must submit!!"

The next discussion arose upon a proposition contained in the fifth resolution-to provide by law for regulating the arming of merchant vessels for defence. This, it was urged, would be attended with extreme danger. It would confide to the discretion of individuals the question of peace or war. No precedent for such a step, it was alleged, could be found in the conduct of other neutral nations; no authority could be adduced in its favor from the law of nations. It was the duty of the government to prohibit it. It was a privilege, only to be granted where the danger from uncivilized nations rendered immediate resistance the only remedy, as was the case in the Mediterranean and in the East Indies. It was pro

posed to insert the "West" Indies as a region where the right of self-defence ought to be exerted. "The protection," it was said, "of this trade was a chief object for which they were convened. For the attainment of this great object, the opposition proposed nothing. All they did was to hold out alarms of war, though every one desired peace. If other neutral nations had not armed their merchantmen, they had fleets to convoy their trade. We have no fleet. The creation of a navy is opposed, and even wishes are expressed that the frigates now building were burned. If we resort to an embargo, our seamen would wander about the country, discontented and perishing for want-our produce would decay upon our wharves. Have we a right to sit still and see these

spoliations? Was it not our duty to protect our commerce our merchants-our revenue? The effect of your opposition will be to increase the demands of France, by contrasting her means and our weakness. The power to arm can be granted under such restrictions as will prevent its abuse, and all justifiable cause of quarrel. This bill was not to confer a privilege, it was to modify a right. It is said, the merchants were opposed to it, why had they not met and avowed their opposition? Why had they armed? Why had the President directed them to suspend arming? Why had they suspended? Was it not from an expectation that the Government would protect them? As to the alarm of war, a country which acts justly towards others and shows a desire of peace, and at the same time a resolution to defend itself, will always be the most safe from injury and aggression."

It was replied, that this measure would give real offence to France. Would she not tell us when we offered to negotiate, 'You have armed your vessels for conflict-peace you do not mean.' "Indeed," a member declared, "he saw nothing in the French republic like a wish to injure the property of the citizens of the United States. She had cause for offence in the British treaty." "He was against this regulation," Gallatin observed, "not from fear of offending either power-but because it was calculated to draw us into hostility-because, if our vessels resisted search or capture, it would certainly lead to It would not only lead to war, but it was war." The resolution was lost by a majority of eight votes.

war.

The two next resolutions proposed an increase of the existing military establishment, and to empower the President to raise a Provisional army, when the circumstances of the country should, in his opinion, render it necessary for the protection and defence of the United

States. No pay to be given until it was called into actual service. To prevent a debate upon this latter measure, and to avoid increased odium, a substitute was brought forward by the opposition to place eighty thousand of the militia in requisition, and to purchase arms in proportion to the white population. To this proposition the Federalists acceded, as part of a system of defence.

Influenced by this result, the consideration of the third resolution, authorizing the President, if he judged proper, to purchase frigates and sloops of war, was now resumed. It was denied, that any such discretion could be constitutionally confided to the President. The force was too small to give efficient protection. The expense of a larger force would be too great. Were the resolution so modified as to confine its employment within our harbors, it would be supported. The danger of depredation on our coast was diminished by the late prohibition of the exportation of arms. It was finally resolved to confine the purchase to galleys, for the defence of the sea-coast, and to act within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The defence of the ports and harbors was subsequently considered. The Secretary of War had reported that two hundred thousand dollars were requisite. Gallatin proposed to limit it to fifty thousand; and a provision was incorporated in the bill, by which the debtor States were to protect themselves by the application to this purpose of the moneys due by them to the Union!! After much debate a vote was given, appropriating about one-half the estimate of the War Department.

Thus far the opposition had either mutilated, or rendered nugatory, postponed, or defeated, every measure of protection which had been suggested. They were