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You ask me to tell you of the political state of Italy. I rather marvelled at the question, for I thought you shared my horror of politics. 'Tis to me oue of my many causes for thankfulness, that I am not a man, and therefore neither required nor expected to take any interest in such things. Even if I do feel a little interest, it is soon dispelled by the utter impossibility, on my part, of attaining any proper understanding of political mysteries. I get so troubled in trying to solve the perplexities that meet me at every step, that I relinquish the attempt in despair, and rest contented in knowing that there are wiser heads than mine, who devote the energies of strong wills and high patriotism to the task. But one must shut one's eyes entirely here, not to perceive the misery of bad government. The condition of the many often weighs heavily on my heart. Poverty and wretchedness were such new things to me, when I first came here, and the forms in which they were presented were so startling, that I was very unhappy. Yet a day of hope seems to be dawning, even for the oppressed people of this beautiful Italy, 'Tis like the faint streak in the east now, but it may herald the coming of day. Even the common people have a vein of poetry and enthusiasm about them that promises much. The memories of their glorious past, the monuments ever before them of their former maguificence and power, and recollections of the great names that have adorned their history, are not lost upon them. There is a cheerfulness about even the most wretched, while struggling with their poverty, that is truly beautiful. Indolent by nature, and careless as to anything beyond the immedi. ate supply of their pressing necessities, the native happiness of their disposition breaks forth in song, and the old palaces and these graves of the olden time, echo with their tuneful notes. But I must defer, until my next, that most suggestive of subjects, the music of Italy. Till then, addio,

GERTRUDE.

The Hon. Charles Gayarré, late Secretary of State of Louisiana, will put to press, in a few weeks, the third and closing volume of his admirable history of Louisiana. It gives us great pleasure to introduce the following notice of the historical labors of Mr. Gayarré, which lately appeared in the columns of the Washington Union:

Charles Gayarré, for a long time Secretary of State of Louisiana, a descendant of some of the oldest and most noted families of the Spanish and French settlers, a gentleman in every respect high in character and reputation, has been, as most of our readers are aware, for many years engaged in illustrat

ing the history of Louisiana, in a series of very able and interesting volumes.

The first of this series was published in 1835, in the French language, when the author was quite a young man ; but subsequent residence in France, and daily access to the official records of the colonial office, justified him in a much more elaborate work, which, in the years 1846-47, was contributed to the press in three volumes, also in the French language.

A general desire being expressed for the translation of this work into English, Mr. Gayarré declined, on the ground that it could better be re-written and re-arranged in that lanuage than translated, and that he had come into possession of much new material in the shape of French and Spanish official manuscripts, obtained from abroad, through the munificence of the legislature and of private individuals.

In this spirit he took up anew the theme so full of romantic interest and instruction, and has already completed two very eloquent and elaborate volumes, whilst a third and closing one is in manuscript, and very nearly ready for the press. This third volume will almost be independent of the others, and will embrace the first authentic history of the Spanish domination in Louisiana from 1769 to 1803-a period in regard to which there has been so much error and misrepresentation. Of the volume Mr. Gayarré himself says:Embracing an entirely distinct period of history, it will be a different work from the preceding, as much perhaps in point of style and the other elements of composition, as with regard to the characteristic features of We do not the new lords of the land." doubt that its appearance will create a sensation, and open some new lights upon the subject of our Louisiana purchase and the various intrigues that preceded it.

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We have not space for the purpose—and if we had, this would not be the place-to enter into a literary analysis of Mr. Gayarré's work, the second volume of which is beforo us, but we think we may be allowed to say that it challenges a position for itself, in elevation of style, in spirit, and in truthfulness, among the most classical productions of our American historians.

The reader will find interest at every page of his progress, whether in the stirring recitals of Indian wars and character; the gra phic descriptions of natural scenery; the portraiture of leading personages sent over by the Spanish king to take possession of the colony; the bold and fearless proceeding of the colonists to prevent it, and to preserve their nationality and their liberties; the struggles which ensued; the trial of the conspirators-the terrible and bloody tragedy which closed the chapter. Never had historian such thrilling incidents, and never have such incidents been worked up with more power. Boldly and gloriously said the pa

Gayarre's History of Louisiana-Mr. Ward's " English Items." 523

triot Lafrénière, in the heat of this struggle, eight years before the patriots of '76 had made their immortal declaration : "In proportion to the extent both of commerce and population is the solidity of thrones; both are fed by liberty and competition, which are the nursing mothers of the state, of which the spirit of monopoly is the tyrant and step-mother. Without liberty there are but few virtues. Despotism breeds pusillanimity and deepens the abyss of vice. Man is considered as sinning before God only because he retains his free will." Well remarks Mr. Gayarré: "to appreciate this bold language, it must be remembered that it was officially uttered by the attorney-general of an absolute king, and that it was intended to reach the ears of the despotic government of France."

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Thus was the revolution accomplished. A population which hardly numbered eighteen hundred men able to carry arms, and which had in its bosom several thousands of black slaves, whom it was necessary to intimidate into subjection, had rebelled agaiust the will of France, had flung the gauntiet at the Spanish monarchy, and was bearding a powerful nation, whose distinguished trait of character did not consist in the forgiveness of injuries, particularly when her pride was wounded."-p. 226.

The history of this revolution in Louisiana of '68, for exalted patriotism, for courage and firmness, deserves to be read by the side of that of the American revolution itself. It wanted but the single element of successthat rule and measure by which men ever distinguish heroism from madness.

On page 151, etc., Mr. Gayarré, in describing the various personages of the suite of the Captain-General Ulloa, introduces mention of his distinguished ancestor, Don Estivan Gayarré, Royal Comptroller of the Treasury, a soldier high in the confidence of the king, who had won laurels in the fields of Italy, in Piedmont, and in the engagements of Ay gabel and St. André; among the defiles of Lanell; in the trenches of Nice, and on the citadels of Villa Franca and Montalban-a brave man, a true gentleman and patriot, with all the virtues that adorn the healthy and hardy mountaineers of the Pyreneean heights.

We noticed, in our last, the work by Matthew J. Ward, entitled English Items, but are satisfied, from further examination, that we did not do it the full justice it deserves. The work will be before us for future reference. Meanwhile we extract the following from an influential contemporary, which is certainly complimentary to Mr. Ward:

"The author of this book is not unknown in the literary world, and doubtless he was encouraged by the success of the Letters from Three Continents,' to attempt a more circumstantial description of the habits, cus

toms and national characteristics of the Eng lish. Mr. Ward is unlike the ordinary sort of young men and women who go to Europe to complete their education. He has a character and a mind of his own, and he is not dazzled by the hollow pomp and meretricious show of English life. Most of our young people go abroad only to learn to ridicule their own country. Of shallow minds and easy nature, they become enthusiastic admirers of royalty, aristocracy, and all sorts of social pretension, and affect a supercilious contempt for the simplicity of republican government, and for the habits and customs of democracy. It is not so with the author, as the book before us will attest. The more he sees of European life and society the more does he admire the institutions and customs of his own country. He thinks and feels like an American, though on English soil. A spirit of intense nationality is the characteristic of his book. He sees the faults of English society in their true proportions, and he lashes them with a scourge of scorpions. His book is a capital satire on England and the English.

He seizes upon whatever is obnoxious to censure in English character and customs, and exposes it to contempt with great power of invective and ridicule. We like his independent way of thinking, and his trenchant sarcasm. But it is not only the temper of the book that pleases us; its literary merit is admirable. Its terse and vigorous style indicates a capacity in the writer to become an American classic. If Mr. Ward will but cultivate and mature his talents, he cannot fail to win eminent distinction in the literature of his country."

We acknowledge the receipt of the fol lowing works since the issue of our last :1. Hester Somerset ; a novel, by N. M. A. Hart: Philadelphia.

2. Waverley Novels-Ivanhoe, The Abbot,

The Monastery. Philadelphia: A. Hart. 3. My Novel; or Varieties in English Life. By Sir E. Bulwer Lytton. New-York: Harper and Brothers.

4.

Part

History of Europe, from the Fall of Napoleon to the Accession of Louis Napoleon in 1852. By Sir A. Alison, Bart. I., N. S. Harper and Brothers. 5. Bleak Honse. By Dickens. Part II. Harper and Brothers.

6. Restoration of Monarchy in France. Part III. By A. de Lamartine. Brothers.

7. A Hero, and other Tales. Brothers.

8.

Harper and

Harper and

Life and Works of Robert Burns. Edited by Robert Chalmers. In 4 vols. vol. 4. Harper and Brothers.

9. Shakspeare and his Times. By M. Guizot. Harper and Brothers. 10. Macauley's Speeches. 2 vols. By Redfield, New-York.

11. My Consulship, by C. Edwards Lester.
2 vols. Cornish, Lamport and Co.
12. Meagher's Speeches. Redfield: New
York.

These works are sent to us through J. C. Morgan and J. M. Steel, of New-Orleans, and are works of interest, and many of great literary character and reputation. The mere titles are all that we can give now, but hereafter the works themselves shall be fully noticed.

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J. H. Colton, 86 Cedar-street, New-York, proposes soon to issue a work entitled, A New and Complete Statistical and General Gazetteer of the United States of America, founded on and compiled from Official Federal and State Returns, and the Census of 1850. By Richard Swainson Fisher, M.D., author of the Book of the World;" the "Gazetteer of Maryland; a "Statistical Account of America," etc., etc.; also, literary editor of " Colton's American Atlas," and editor of the "American Railway Guide." A Practical and Scientific Agricultural and Family Journal for the West-The Farmer's Companion and Horticultural Gazette. Edited by C. Fox and C. Betts. J. C. Holmes (Secretary of the State Agicultu ral Society) Horticultural Editor. Linus Cone, Corresponding Editor. This journal is published in Detroit, Mich. on the first day of each month. sixteen very large octavo pages, double columns, of good paper and fine print, handsomely illustrated with engravings; together with a colored cover, on which the advertisements are printed. The editors are gentlemen of education, as well as practical men; and the work is intended to elucidate not only the practice, but also the great principles of agriculture, so as to adapt it to all parts of the country. The breeding and raising of horses, cattle, sheep, &c., are especially attended to; and, besides a department devoted to the ladies, interesting gene ral reading is introduced, as far as possible. All the important agricultural periodicals of France and Great Britain are taken and studied for whatever may be of use in the United States; and, monthly, a careful summary of American information is given. Price, fifty cents a-year. Specimen numbers forwarded on request. Single subscriptions may be sent in postage stamps; banknotes for larger amounts. Direct to Charles Betts. Office in the Fireman's Hall, Detroit.

OUR readers will be reminded of the Southern Agricultural Convention which is to be held in May next, at Montgomery, by the references we have made to it on another page, and also of the Convention of the South and West at Memphis, on the first Monday of June. We apprehend that other duties will prevent our attendance at either, which we regret. The purposes of the Memphis Con

vention are said to be the establishemnt of a continental depot of cotton, in opposition to Liverpool. :

The direct exportation of cotton by the planter-thus doing away with middle men, middle warehouses, middle commissions, middle insurances, and all that interminable medium which eats up our substance and concentrates our exports at Liverpool :

To build up a Southern importing market, in opposition to New-York:

To establish, through rail-road alliance, more sympathy with the great West and North-west, socially, commercially, and nationally :

To have one or more lines of steamers to Europe:

To induce emigration through southern ports to pass to the west by a communication always open, expeditious, and cheap; or to settle on our fertile lands:

To stimulate manufactures and general in. dustry.

To educate our children at home, to spend our wealth at home:

To aim at commercial and industrial inde Pendence.

OUR FUTURE.

The position which the editor of the Review has assumed, at the head of the Census Department at Washington, was assigned to him without solicitation. In acknowledging the honor, he is not unaware of the arduous and responsible duties which devolve upon him, in the performance of which be will be cheered by the single purpose of doing well for the country, and, in some measure, de serving well of it. this aspiration will be realized. Time only can show if

In reference to the Review, there will be

no change in its editorial, in which he has always had the assistance of able coadjutors; or in the business department, well organized as it is, under experienced and responsi ble persons. The more extended field which is opened, will rather enlarge and diversify the interests of this Review; and whilst its distinctive character as a southern work is preserved, will make it, in many senses, a national one. Already has its circulation extended to every state of the Union.

of the Review, the address of the editor, until For every other purpose than the business December next, will be Washington City.

Other letters will be addressed simply "De Bow's Review," New Orleans.

There are sub-offices of the Review in most of the large cities, where the work, or the Industrial Resources, may be obtained, by order; as, for example, at Mobile, of M. Boulmet; at Charleston, B. F. De Bow; at Richmond, J. W. Randolph; at Washington City, Frank Taylor; at New-York, Pudney and Russell; at Boston, Redding and Co., &c. &c.

DE BOW'S REVIEW:

A MONTHLY JOURNAL

OF

COMMERCE, AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURES, INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT, STATISTICS,

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THE PROPOSED CANADIAN RECIPROCITY TREATY-PROPRIETY OF EXTENDING ITS PRIVILEGES TO OTHER COLONIAL POSSESSIONS-THE MISSISSIPPI AND THE AMAZON, AND THE EXTENT OF OUR TRADE WITH SOUTH AMERICAN REPUBLICS, ETC.

[We are in favor of Canadian reciprocity, and therefore do not, upon that point, agree with the writer of the following paper, furnished for the Review; but, agreeing with him upon many other points, and believing his facts and deductions to be of interest and value, we publish them entire.-EDITOR.]

occasional changes or modifications, and these are made or refused; but ill-advised legislation, in its broad application, is peculiarly the evil of republics. Lobbyism, the clamor of the press, and the argument of petition, are the levers which control our deliberative bodies; for, however well convinced a member may be of the injudiciousness of a measure, he will not dare to defy his constituency, even if he have the moral fortitude to resist the influences which daily beset him on his way to and from his seat.

The subject of reciprocal trade with ness. The public welfare may demand the British North American Provinces has again been brought to the notice of the public, by the attention recently bestowed upon it at Washington. It is not our purpose—at least at present-to discuss the merits of the question in detail, but to submit a few remarks that have a legitimate bearing on the measure. In popular governments, all laws are presumed to be the expressions of the popular will; and yet, such expressions are but the acts of a ruling majority, in which the governed concur. Hasty and ill-applied legislation is oftener a result, proceeding from deliberative assem- It is averred-and we are not prepared blages, chosen by free suffrages, than to dispute the assertion-that there is a from bodies on which there are imposed large majority in Congress who are in fachecks, in the form of a power compa- vor of reciprocity with the Canadas. Be it ratively irresponsible to the people, and so; but the fact is no proof that one half supreme in itself. It is for this reason, the American people are in favor of the that in monarchical states, the record project. We cannot believe that the of legislative proceedings exhibit fewer southern and southwestern states desire interpolations, canceled acts, and re- any such exclusive reciprocal interstored pages, than do the journal of pro- changes with the provinces, or a nearer ceedings of republican councils. Laws intercourse than the nation now enjoys, are framed with more care, and are abo- unless the bill before Congress first unlished with more caution. Judicial tests dergoes material alteration. The Union generally confirm the judgment with is a kindred whole, and not an alliance. which they are created, and the exigen. Each member is independent, but it is cies of the time attest their wholesome- a family in which everything is, or

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should be, conducted with harmony to insure prosperity, and to perpetuate fraternal relations. In our own mindalthough we do not ask the reader to indorse the view-reciprocity with the British North American Colonies, without extending the same courtesy to the whole continent and its adjacent islands, would be a most pernicious proceeding, and fraught with social mischief. It will, if carried into effect, be introducing an invidious and distinctive element into our political creed, by avowing national preferences, while our treaties declare that all governments stand with us upon an equal and impartial footing. It will be saying to Europe-a quibble that has already obtained that this favor we may show to Canada, because Canada is not a treaty-making power, which constitutes an independent nation; but it will be saying to the West India and South American dependencies the same thing, while we refuse to them like concessions. If we can dispose of this objection, which does not amount to an obstacle in the estimation of many statesmen, then we have taken the first step toward the object aimed at. But let us consider farther how such a convention will operate. It will have a tendency to confer benefits on one section of the Union at the expense of the other, by causing trade to flow to the lakes and the northern sea-board outlets, which ought to find its natural outlets at the mouth of the Mississippi and the Atlantic ports of the South. The project is the offspring of monopolies. It originated with gigantic corporations-with rail-road, steamboat, and canal companies, who construct their lines of travel at right angles with the great watercourses of the South and West, and make them converge to and concentrate at Montreal, at Boston, at New-York, and at Philadelphia. These artificial channels intercept the downward trade of the Mississippi and Ohio basins, and cause it to pour forward or recede back to the northern ports. They bring from the West the products of the soil and the workshop, and these find the same destination. Against all this we offer no word of objection, because we are not discussing the full merits of the question. We are simply averring, that if the measure be designed for the benefit of the whole Union, it is incomplete, and should be made more general and corehen

sive. If designed for a section, it will prove an evil, and should be defeated.

As regards the isolated question of intrinsic value, there is too much importance attached to the trade of the British North American Possessions.The object, however, is not revealed in this. The southern and south western states have recently evinced a determination to do much of their own foreign carrying trade. Money is super-abun dant, and to be productive it must be invested. The coffers of the moneylending powers overflow, and such as truly need cannot borrow. "Sardinia and Denmark," says the London Times, "are the only two borrowing states in Europe that could now raise even small amounts in our markets." And the mar ket of England being overstocked, that paper adds: "Under these circumstances, it is plain, that when the next external rush of capital takes place, it will be to the United States." And no investment, that journal thinks, will yield as fair a per centage as in rail-road stocks. The North, with more available capital than the South, foreseeing the consequences that would ensue to its commerce, if the South established a railroad system of its own, has anticipated the crisis which the London Times foreshadows, and has, in this, sought to pre clude the participation of the South. Rail-road companies have been formed, and bands of rail already stretch from Maine to St. Louis, from Chicago to NewYork, and cross and re-cross each other, until the whole scheme resembles an iron web, or a labyrinth. The northern sea board cities have taken care to subscribe largely to these immense improvements, so as to command their termini; and then comes forward the projector, and his revelations are worthy of note. He says to England, "You possess more money than you require. Very well. We need additional capital to complete our works. We have had an eye to your interest, as well as our own. By our system of rail-road and artificial water-courses, we will be enabled to reduce the inter-transit duty on cotton, so that it can be landed cheaper in Liverpool, though shipped at New-York, than if exported direct from Charleston, from Mobile, or from New-OrleansThe reduction on the transportation of food and provisions will be on a corres ponding scale." As a further induce

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