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do not: Owing to your ignorance of us | and our views, we then were objects of your applause, and now we are objects "of your censure. To be sure, nothing could be more reasonable than this. There is nothing at all inconsistent in it; but, then, the argument is just as good for me as it is for them.The truth is, that, as to opinions, no man is to be blamed for a change, except there be strong reason to conclude that the change has proceeded from a bad motive; or, rather, that it is not a real, but a pretended change, for the purpose of something selfish or wicked. This is the case, when we see men change their opinions upon exchanging no offices, for offices under the crown; when they have one set of principles for out of place, and another set of principles for in place. Now, nothing of this sort can possibly be imputed to me; and, in short, it is quite impossible to make any man of sense believe, that the change in my opinions has proceeded from any other cause than that of a sincere conviction, that, in my former opinions, I was wrong.- -I am not very anxious to make an apology for the errors of my former opinions; but, sure ly, without attributing to myself any very extraordinary want of discernment, those errors, when my then peculiar situation be considered, stand in need of nothing by way of excuse. When John Bowles said: My attachment to the British Monarchy, " and to the reigning family, is rooted in "my heart's core; my anxiety for the "British throne, pending the dangers to "which, in common with every other "throne, it has lately been exposed, has "embittered my choicest comforts; and I "most solemnly vow, before Almighty "God, to devote myself, to the end of my days, to the maintenance of that throne." When John Bowles said this, I praised John Bowles; but, must I praise him now?

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I have been told, that the King, when he visited Cuffnells in 1804, (and which, in my opinion, he ought not to have been advised to visit) said, the moment he entered the house, " where "is MY FRIEND Cobbett's Paper ?" This was told to me, not long ago, by one, who, I thought, appeared to think it necessary to remind me of my duty to the king. But, in what instance have I ever shown a want of a due sense of that duty? When have I ever hinted, that the royal office and authority were not essential to the happiness and even to the liberty of the people? When have I expressed a wish hostile to the king's person, autho

rity, prerogatives, or family? When have I, as these pamphlet compilers would insinuate, expressed any opinion which could justify the inference, that I wished for the predominance of a mob, or the degradation of royalty or aristocracy? The truth is, that I have been constantly labouring to prevent the degradation of both; and, if either has been degraded, it is because my labours have, with respect to them, been unavailing. If I ever did merit the honour of being, by the king himself, called his friend, I now merit that honor more than at any former period; because I have now told him truths, which nobody else would tell him, and to know which truths is of far more importance to him than the support of all the tribe, who have the insolence to give themselves the exclusive appellation of King's Friends; and who, in an hour of danger to his person or his throne, would, as all the sycophants of the Continent have done, desert him, while, I trust, I should be found ready to hazard my life in his defence. There is no man, in this country, who shall read what I am now writing, that will not acknowledge, that he has a thousand times heard it observed, that there is no knowing what

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may happen," upon an event, which we all hope may be distant, but, which we are all sure, must, in the course of nature, take place. I put it to the Reader, whether this be not a subject of general anxiety? Whether he be acquainted with one considerate man, who does not partake in this anxiety? Is it not, therefore, for those, who really wish for the stability of the kingly government, and for the unimpaired authority of the king and his successors, to use their best endeavours to see things settled upon a solid foundation, before the event, alluded to, takes place? It surely is; and, as I am one of those, who think that the only means of obtaining that solidity is to give the people confidence in their Representatives, and thereby reconcile them to their sacrifices, I wish for a Reform of the Commons' House of Parliament.-Nothing, to me, at least, can be more evident than this: that, to insure the stability of the throne, a Reform in the House of Commons is absolutely necessary. The people, if fairly and fully represented,would grudge nothing to the king, or to his family; and, indeed, that which has recently given so much anxiety and pain to the royal family, may be clearlytraced to the same source,whence all the other heart-burnings may be traced. Those, who have dealt in parliamentary

nient to represent all that the people dis-
like as proceeding from the royal will, and,
of course, to cause it to be believed, that,
in order to get rid of such grants as that
to Mrs. Fox, and such concerns as those
of the Dutch Commissioners, we must first
get rid of the king, which they know the
people would think of with horror. The
borough influence they never wish us to look
at; but, can any man believe that, if it
had not been for that influence, the present
king would not have driven from his pre-
sence the man, who had such a disregard for
the feelings of both king and people as to
propose the grant to Mrs. Fox?—Now,
by way of illustration, suppose the king
had spurned at this proposition. The con-
sequence would have been the going out
of the ministry, who, upon such a
point, would, in all probability, have
retained their majority in the House.
But, upon the supposition that the free
voice of his people had been appealed to,
would not they, by their choice of mem-
bers, have expressed their gratitude to him
for his care of their interest and their ho-
nour? -That man, therefore, 15 the real
friend of the King, of his family, his office
and dignity, who would free them, for ever,
from all influence of this sort; who would
leave the king unencumbered with any in-
fluence, other than that of the advice of
his constitutional counsellors, to make
such appointments and grant such favours
as he himself should choose; and,. I am
persuaded, that if what I am now writing
should ever reach the ear of his Majesty,
he will, upon a due consideration of the
matter, still call me, as he is said to have
done at Cuffnells, his "friend Cobbett."

seats, always make common cause with the king; always drag him into the party with them, by accusing their opponents of being his enemies; when the fact manifestly is, that the king's legitimate authority, his dignity and his just prerogatives, suffer by such dealings as much as the rights and liberties of the people suffer by them.There is something in the heart of every man, which impels him to desire, that the person, whom he acknowledges as his sovereign, should be clothed with dignity; and, does it not naturally follow, that it must be mortifying to a sensible and honourable people, to see the authority of the king cramped and thwarted by the owners of Boroughs? If, agreeably to the principles of the constitution, the people were represented; if they had nothing to complain of upon this score; never would they wish to interfere with the prerogatives of the king. They love kingly government; and they grudge the king and his family nothing in the way of splendour. It is notorious, that royal aconomy is no favourite virtue with them. But they love their own rights and liberties, without which nothing will make them heartily contented.Look at the Pension and Sinecure Lists, those lists which create so much well-grounded complaint. Look at the persons, upon whom the public money is heaped. This, observe, is all done in the name of the king. Is this doing justice to the king? Is it doing justice to his present Majesty to hold him forth to his people as having, for instance, bestowed one thousand five hundred pounds a year of their money upon Mrs. Fox? Will any man deny, that it would be an act the most friendly to the king to set him free from that, the existence of which, and of which alone, could have induced him to put his royal signature to such a grant?peared to me of, comparatively, any imIs there a man in the whole kingdom, who can believe, that the king cheerfully put his signature to that grant? Yet, he is held forth to his people as having been the author of it; as having made such a grant, in the virtue of a power given him by the constitution for the purpose of supporting the honour and dignity of his throne!- -It is worthy of remark that each party, when out of power, complain of "the influence of the CROWN;" of the vast sums of money, and the great number of offices, which the CROWN" has in its gift. This is a very convenient notion to be inculcated by those, who can dispose of seats, and who can force ministers upon the king. To them it is very conve

There are several subjects, which press forward for observation; but, nothing ap

portance, at this particular moment, but the subject of Parliamentary Reform. What they are doing in Austria, or in Spain, is of little consequence to us, unless it be really true, that, in the latter country, the Cortez, or representatives of the people, are, at last, to be assembled. If this be the case, though late, there may be some hope.The new loan and new taxes would be worthy of remark; but, really, people are wearied of discussion, where discussion can be of no avail.

WESTMINSTER ELECTION, 1807. Report of the Committee who conducted the Election, to their Constituents, as

sembled on the 23rd May, 1809, to celebrate the second Anniversary of the Return of Sir Francis Burdett.

Your Committee have observed with much satisfaction, that the conduct you adopted at the Election, the result of which you are now met to celebrate, has been impercepubly forcing itself upon the consideration of all thinking men.

In many parts of the Country a disposition to follow that example has been publicly manifested; and in some you have been awarded public thanks for the noble stand you made in support of principles, without winch our boasted Constitution is but an empty form.

Your Committee call to your recollection, that, previous to the first Anniversary, the High Bailiff of Westminster had obtained a verdict against your Representative, sır Francis Burdett, for a share of certain expences attending the election of Members of Parliament, under pretence that he was a Candidate, which he was not, and had had the use of the hustings; and also that your Committee had endeavoured to obtain the reconsideration of tha verdict, by applying for a new trial, which had been refused by the Court of King's Bench. The consequence of these proceedings has been an expence of upwards of 3201. which the contributions of individual electors, and the liberality of other friends to the purity of election, has enabled your Committee in great part to discharge. Since that period actions have been brought by an individual against three of your Committee, under pretence of expences said to be authorised by one or other of them on account of the election. It did not appear on the trial that any such expenditure had been directed by them, or that the disbursement had actually been made by the plaintiff: and, in point of fact, no order for such, expenditure was given, it being contrary to the principle and uniform practice of your Committee. The plaintiff, who sned as a pauper, was non-suited; but your Committee were put to the expence of about 70%. for costs, in the defence of these actions, which they have no hope of recovering. These are the principal items of charge since the last Anniversary, and your Committee now lay before you the present state of your accounts :—

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Leaving a bahnce due to the Treasurer of 83 13 9 which your Committee cannot doubt your readiness to make good.

This debt has been incurred in carrying into effect the Resolution of the 4th May, 1807, to return sir Francis Burdett to Parliament, free from every expence to himself.”

Your Committee are not insensible to the effect which this great and glorious example is calculated to produce on the people of England, and it will be your day to persevere and follow up that exanple which yourselves have set; but they cannot conceal that the elective franchise does not permit that example to be so followel as to produce any important numerical effect in the House of Commons, though they may justly hope that it will even there be viewed with respect.

Your Committee would willingly hope that the sense of the people, peaceably expressed, and supported by a few honest and real Representatives, who shall faithfully persevere in exposing corruption (however attempted to be excused by that general prevalence which increases its enormity), will ultimately succeed in rendering it so disgraceful, that those most interested will be compelled by shame to abandon its defence. In the mean time, you will, however, have the heart-felt satisfaction of having done your duty, and the honour of holding up to public imitation, even in times when corruption is offi780 14 4 cially acknowledged and defended, one

ACCOUNT OF DISBURSEMENTS AND RECEIPTS.

1807
Expences of the Election to the final
close of the Poll ...

£. s. d.

example of purity, and of keeping alive that spirit of liberty, which alone can tend to regain for the people of England the blessings of the Constitution to which they are entitled.

PROCEEDINGS

IR COUNTIES, CITIES, BOROUGHS, &c. relative to the recent INQUIRY in the House of Commons, respecting the Conduct of the DUKE OF YORK. Continued from p. 798.)

BOROUGH OF WARWICK. At a respectable Meeting of the Burgesses and Inhabitants of the Borough of Warwick, held at the Court-House, on Tuesday, 16th May, 1899, pursuant to a Requisition presented to the Mayor for that purpose: THOMA: COLLINS, esq., Mayor, in the Chair:

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It was Resolved unanimously1. That the Inquiry in he House of Commons, relative to the conduct of his Royal Highness the late Conmander in Chief, has proved, to the conviction of the whole country, the existence of flagrant abuses in the administration of public affairs-most disgraceful in themselves to the British name-and most injurious in their effects to the prosperity of the British Nation.

2. That the Thanks of this Meetng be presented to Gwyllim Lloyd Wardle, esq., for his intrepidity in commencing, and his firmness and moderation in conducting that Investigation, which has eventually turned the attention of an indignant people towards a System of Corruption, which no plea of prescription can justify-no sophistry can palliate-no intrigues of party can long shelter from detection and disgrace.

3. That the Thanks of this Meeting are due to the 125 Members of the House of Commons, who by their conduct in the progress, and by their vote at the conclusion of the late Inquiry, have proved themselves the wise and faithful friends, both of the Sovereign and of the People.

great and dangerous abuses in the various departments of government-and that by restoring to the House of Commons its constitutional and rightful character of being a fair and faithful Representation of the People, such Reform would render that body amiable and venerable in the estimation of their constituents—would contribute-essentially to the happiness and true glory of the Sovereign-would give their due weight to property, talent, and virtue in the Senate-and promote the collective interest of a free, enlightened, and generous nation.

6. That these Resolutions be signed by the Chairman in behalf of the Meeting, and a copy thereof transmitted to G. L Wardle, esq.

COUNTY OF CORNWALL.

At a numerous and respectable. Meeting of Gentlemen, Clergy, Freeholders, and other Inhabitants of the County of Cornwall, held at Bodmin, in the said county, on Monday, the 15th inst. in pursuance of public notice given for that purpose, EDWARD COODE, gent. Undersheriff' (in the absence of the High Sheriff) in the Chair:

Resolved, 1st. That the Thanks of this Meeting be given to G. L. Wardle, esq., for his manly and patriotic exertions in bringing forward his Charges against the Duke of York, and for instituting an Inquiry in the course of which the evil practices that have prevailed in the corrupt disposal of Promotions in the Army, have been exposed, and by which the Duke of York has been compelled to resign.

2nd. That the Thanks of this Meeting are particularly due to those Members of Parliament, who by their personal exertions, or by voting in the Minority of 125, afforded unqualified and efficient support to Mr. Wardle in these laudable undertakings.

3rd. That the Thanks of this Meeting be given to the Representatives of the county, and to all those Members who voted in the Minorities upon the other questions relative to the Duke of York, upon which the House of Commons divided.

4. That the late decision of the House of Commons, standing in direct opposition to the clear and decided opinion, and offering the grossest violence to all the best feelings of the nation, exhibits a most 4th. That in the opinion of this Meetstriking and melancholy proof of the pre-ing the decision of the House of Commons, sent imperfect Representation of the Peo-" that there was no ground to charge his ple in Parliament. Royal Highness with any connivance at "the corrupt and infamous practices dis"closed in the evidence," is contrary to the general sense of the nation.

5. That in the opinion of this Meeting, a timely, temperate, and well-conducted plan of Parliamentary Reform can alone afford an effectual security against all

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5th. That Corruptions notoriously exist

in other departments of the state, as brought to light by different Committees of the House of Commons.

6th. That the state of the public mind, the example and fate of the nations on the Continent (particularly of France) and the critical situation of the country with respect to foreign powers, imperiously demand a system of constitutional reformation.

7th. That in the opinion of this Meeting the corruptions which have been suffered to accumulate to so grievous an extent in this country, are to be traced to the defective state of the representation.

8th. That it is therefore the firm conviction of this Meeting that a Reform in the Representation of the People in the Commons' House of Parliament is the only effective corrective of existing abuses, and that the only security against future corruptions will be the restoring to the people that share of the elective franchise which the public good requires, and to which they are entitled by the principles of the British Constitution.

Protest against the Resolutions.

sible to preserve peace by means of sacrifices, and as long as these sacrifices were consistent with the honour of the throne, with the security of the state, and with the welfare of the people, the heart of our bountiful sovereign suppressed every painful feeling in silence; but when all endeavours to preserve happy independence from the insatiable ambition of a foreign conqueror prove fruitless, when nations are falling around us, and when lawful sovereigns are torn from the hearts of their subjects, when in fine the danger of universal subjugation threatens even the happy states of Austria, and their peaceable fortunate inhabitants; then does our country demand its deliverance from us, and we stand forth in its defence.--On you, my dear brother soldiers, are fixed the eyes of the universe, and of all those who still feel for national honours and national prosperity. You shall not share the disgrace of becoming the tools of oppression. You shall not carry on the endless wars of ambition under distant climes. Your blood shall never flow for foreign fleets and foreign covetousness; not on you shall the curse alight to annihilate inRe-nocent nations? and over the bodies of the slaughtered defenders of their country to pave the way for a foreigner to the usurped throne. A happier lot awaits you; the liberty of Europe has taken refuge under our banners. Your victories will loose its fetters, and your brothers in Germany, yet in the ranks of the enemy, long for their deliverance. You are engaged in a just cause, otherwise I should not appear at your head.-On the fields of Ulm and Marengo, whereof the enemy so often remind us with ostentatious pride, on these fields will we renew the glorious deeds of Wurtsburgh and Ostrach, of Liptingen (Stockach), and Zurich, of Verona, of the Trebbia and Novi. We will conquer a lasting peace for our country; but the great aim is not to be attained without great virtues. Unconditional subordination, strict discipline, persevering courage, and unshaken steadiness in danger, are the companions of true fortitude. Only a union of will, and a joint co-operation of the whole, lead to victory.-My sovereign and brother has invested me with extensive powers to reward and to punish. I will be every where in the middle of shall receive the first thanks you, and you of your country from your general on the field of battle. The patriotism of many of the Austrian nobility has anticipated your wants: this is a pledge in the fullest

WE the undersigned, do hereby solemnly enter our Protest against the solutions relating to a Reform in Parliament entered into at the County Meeting held at Bodmin, on Monday, the 15th of May 1809, as tending in our opinion to results the most mischievous to the existing constitution and the safety of the country.-Eliot, De Dunstanville, &c. F. Gregor, Francis Glanville, F. Hearle Rodd, Wymond Cory, W. Morshed, Edward Rodd, Thomas Graham, Charles Mayson, W. S. Gully, S. Gurney, William Paul, Ph. Carlyon, C. T. Kempe, John Baron, William Baker, John Pomeroy, John Edyean, P. S. Pomeroy, H. Rogers, W. Rashleigh, Davies Giddy, John Row, J. A. Norway, John Arthur, F. O'Dogherty, N. Norway, William Ball, Edmund Gilbert, Thomas Hichens, John Rickard, Joseph Hawkey, Charles Rashleigh, Williami Reynolds, J. Hext, J. J. Keigwin, John Rogers, jun. William Gregor, John Every, J. W. Colenso, Robert Flamank, Thomas Robins, R. K. Frost, John Wallis, Thomas Penwarne, E. Hobling, William Pye, Lewis Marshall, W. Burrows, Edmund Cartheu.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.
AUSTRIA. ·Proclamation of the Archduke
Charles, dated Vienna, April 6, 1809.
THE protection of our country calls us
to new exploits. As long as it was pos-

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