TO THE PEOPLE OF HAMPSHIRE. The above Requisition is, as you will see, signed by none of those Noblemen or Baronets, who have been in the habit of putting their names to papers of that sort; and this circumstance, so far from being unpleasing, is, to me, and, I trust, it will be to you, a very pleasing one. Not that any of us can wish to see those persons hang back upon an occasion in which all the best public feelings urged every soul to step forward; but, because the Requisition, as it now stands, wil: convince them, and also the king's ministers, who have so long dictated to this county, that there is yet remaining in Hampshire a spirit of independence not so very easily to be subdued. It will show to our countrymen in general, that, though the ministry of the day do cause to be elected whatever County Members they please, there is still a spirit in the people to feel indignant at the wrongs and the insults they endure. It will show to those parties, who have, for so many years, divided the county between them, and who have, by turns, profited from its credulity, that the county is no longer to be held in leading strings; that we have sense to think, and courage to act for ourselves.What, let me ask, could be more degrading to us, than to see existing a practice of calling countymeetings by ten or twelve persons, of each of the parties respectively, always nearly the same persons, just as if it was an office they held for that purpose, and just as if all the other Landholders, all the Farmers, all the Tradesmen, and, indeed, the whole of the population of the county, were so many mere puppets, or tools, in their hands, to be called together for the purpose of voting just what those settled and established leaders chose to write down upon a piece of paper, and read to them? What, let me again put it to you, could possibly be more degrading than this? I have heard, and you, I am sure, will hear it with pleasure, that some of the Noblemen and other persons of great property in the county, who have not signed the Requisition, do nevertheless highly approve of it, and do intend to be at the Meeting; and, perhaps, they may have thought, that, upon such an occasion, it was best to avoid every thing which should give to the origin of the proceeding a party complexion. If such was their motive, it is one of which we cannot find fault, provided they now show us, that they are disposed to lend their hand in putting down for ever that system of Corruption, which has been proved to have long existed, and by the means of which we have been so mercilessly plundered. For my own part, nothing would give me so much pleasure as to see the leaders of both parties come to the Meeting, and divide between them the honour of proposing to us such Resolutions as the occasion demands; never forgetting, however, that Mr. WM. PowLETT POWLETT, who, unsolicited, came and put his name amongst ours, has, upon us, not only now, but upon all future occasions, a clear and indisputable claim to the precedence. But, let who will be the proposer, we must take care that what we approve of be good and sound; we must take care, that our real sentiments be fully expressed, and not frittered away, until it be hard to distinguish our censure from our praise. Our feelings, upon this occasion, are strong; our opinions clear and fixed; and we shall act a very inconsistent part, indeed, unless our language corresponds with those opinions and those feelings.It must be manifest to every man in his senses, that, unless a stop be speedily put to the workings of corruption, one of two things will happen: the complete slavery of us all, or the overthrow of the government; and, it must be equally manifest, that this alternative is to be avoided by no other means than the legal and constitutional interference of the people themselves, and especially the people who are in the middling walks of life, who have property to preserve and who have judgment to direct their actions. It is a common excuse, that, "one man can do nience for the sake of our private advan- | ticularly asked to place their names at the tage; or, rather, the labours and fatigues top of the list, which they declined, and in we undergo for that purpose, we think which they discovered minds superior to nothing of. And, shail we, then, not that false pride, which never yet was chaendure a little labour and fatigue for the racteristic of a real gentleman. I do, I public advantage, especially as it is impos- must confess, feel some pride at seeing my. sible for the public to be benefited with- name at the head of such a list; but, not out each of us having his due share of that a single name was placed in that list at my benefit? Besides, there is, in the present request; I did not even ask any man to sign case, a motive far superior to all selfish it; and the pride I feel arises, not from the considerations. We are now called upon vain and empty notion that I possess an to thank the man, who has risked every influence over any man, but that my printhing for us; we are called upon to do an ciples and views correspond with those of act of justice, and if we do not answer the so many intelligent, public-spirited, and call, we have nothing of Englishmen left respectable Tradesmen and Yeomen, to be in us but the name.- -We should always regarded as one of whom, is the utmost bear in mind, that the king's ministers bounds of my ambition. I have no silly declared, that, if a Vote of THANKS to MR. and stupid pursuit of popularity. I have WARDLE was moved, in the House of Com- seen too much of the vexations and the mons, they would oppose it, and there is miseries of all such pursuits. I would no doubt but they would have had a ma- not shake a knave by the hand if his jority on their side. Well, if the House vote would make me not only a memof Commons refuse him thanks for the in- ber for, but the owner of, the county; estimable good, which he has done for the nor would I, if I could, even without askpeople, there is so much the stronger calling for, be a member of parliament, or fill upon the people to thank him; and, for them to grudge any labour or pains to do it with effect would argue, in them, a want of common sense as well as of gratitude; for, we may be assured, that, unless MR. WARDLE be supported by the unequivocal voice of the people, no man will be much inclined to imitate him; and, it is hardly necessary to say, that, unless more and much more be done, that which has been done will be worth nothing at all, in the space of a few months. For these reasons all persons who are able to attend the Meeting ought to attend it, be the inconvenience what it may, nothing being a good excuse short of actual bodily infirmity.I shall add a few words as to the part which I have acted in this proceeding. There are not wanting persons to hint, that I am actuated by ambitious motives, and to draw conclusions of this sort from my name standing at the head of the Requisition. Now, the facts are these. I, in the first place, inquired, whether the Lords and the Baronets intended to send a Requisition, and I found they did not. It was then proposed to me, by several persons, to join in a Requisition. When it was drawn up, I did not sign it, tili many others had been asked to sign first; and, even then, a space was left above my name, in order that the names of any noblemen or gentlemen or yeomen might be placed before mine upon the list. Several gentlemen, amongst whom were Mr. Powlett Powlett and Mr. May, I believe, were par any post or employment whatever under, or in, the government. I have, though not yet very old, had quite enough both of censure and applause. Constant obser vation has convinced me, that happiness is seldom the companion of a pursuit after power; and my taste as well as my reason lead me to avoid all such pursuits. Indeed, I could be well content never to go out of the valley, in which I live; but, the duty of a father and an Englishman, calis imperiously upon me not to stand with my arms folded and see my children and my country robbed, disgraced, and enslaved. Our forefathers wrote and strove and fought and bled for us; and, if we can tamely see those rights, which their talents, their courage, and their perseverance entailed on us, taken away, little by little, until there is nothing left as a protection for those to whom we have given life, we are not only amongst the most base, but we are the very basest of all mankind.- -I have had too much opportunity of studying men and things to be led astray by any wild theories about liberty, I know, that there must be government, and that there must be law, without which there can be no such thing as property, nor any safety even for our persons. want to see no innovation in England. All I wish and all I strive for, is The Constitution of England, undefiled by corruption. I am very willing to make even great allowances for the neglects and faults of men in power; because I see, that, even in cur I own private concerns, we are, the very best of us, frequently guilty of both. But, when I see a system of public corruption, of barefaced public robbery, brought to light, and hear those, who have had the virtue to make the exposure, termed enemies of the country; when I see my country thus pillaged and thus insulted, I should hate the very sound of my name, if I were not ready to affix it to a protest against such proceedings. WILLIAM COBBETT. Botley, Thursday, 13th April, 1809. thought it, to see half my men killed, and the other half, when overpowered by numbers beyond the hope of extricating themselves, led captive into France, than to see the whole of that army flee from an enemy, whom it had scarcely a glimpse of till the very last, and indeed, whom, if the transports had been ready, it never would have seen in numbers one fifth equal to its own.- -But, while I acknowledge the justice of the charge against the people of England, what am I to say of those, by whom the people of England were deceived? What am I to say of the Turtle Patriots, and of that minister of the king, who, in the most solemn manner, and in his master's name, told us of the resistance to be expected by the French from "the uni"versal Spanish nation?" True, the people of England ought not to have believed these persons; but, still what are we to say of the conduct of these persons? To that sentence, wherein the unfortunate General speaks of the groundless belief of the people of England, he might have added, and he ought to have add SUMMARY OF POLITICS. SPAIN. In my last, I offered to the public some observations relative to the measures of our government in regard to Spain; and, reasoning upon former dispatches, from Sir John Moore, shewed, as I thought, and still think, that the loss and disgrace arising from the embarrassed situation, and from the final flight of our army, were to be solely ascribed, as to their immediate cause, to the fear of Sir John Moore of coming back without doing something, which fear arose from the false no-ed, a censure upon those, by whom the tions, so industriously propagated in Eng- people of England had been deceived. land, respecting the force and the spirit of For endeavouring, in the months the people of Spain. Indeed, before I of June and July last, to prevent this had seen any of the latter dispatches of that spreading deception; for telling the peounfortunate General, and just at the time ple of England not to believe that the Spawhen we first heard of his death, I stated niards would make exertions for Ferdito my readers that this had been the real nand; for warning them not to give inte cause of all the misfortunes of him and his expectations which must be disappointed; army. But now, we have the proof in his for using all my efforts to destroy those own last words, that this was the cause; false notions, the existence of which it is that" it was necessary to risk the army, now proved was the cause of Sir John "to convince the people of England, that the Moore's risking the army: for doing this, Spaniards had neither the power nor the I was, by the writers on the side of the "inclination to make any efforts for them- ministry, denominated a Jacobin, and was "selves;" that is to say, that the almost accused of endeavouring, under the imcertain destruction; that all the miseries mediate instigation of the devil, to subof the army; that the loss of so many va- vert the throne, the church, and all the luable lives; that death, in its most horrid establishments of England. This is the form, suffered by so many Englishmen; standing charge. It is a charge preferthat all this was necessary to open the eyes red against every man, who complains of of Englishmen at home to the truth reany public grievance, or who endeavours specting Spain; that all this was necessary to open the eyes of the people to any fault on account of the false notions entertained or any folly of any man in power. To make by the people of England.Now, this war for what was called a "legitimate is a very heavy charge against the people" sovereign," to spend the money and of England; and, I must confess, that the spill the blood of Englishmen for the supcharge is but too well founded; though, port of monarchy in Spain, was a favourite had I been in the place of Sir John Moore, scheme; the people were dragged together I would not, from any such motive, have in town and county meetings to thank the risked the army; and, if I had risked it at king (that is to say, his ministers) for hav-all, it should have been in meeting, and noting embarked the nation in this hopeful in fleeing from,. the enemy; for, much more honourable, and ultimately more beBeficial to my country, should I have ་་ cause; and, to point out to the people that they were deceived, and that the cause was a rotten one; this was, of course, " " to be a jacobin and an enemy of the throne and the church; a man wishing for anarchy and confusion, for the destruction of all property, and for universal plunder and massacre.- -I insert the whole of Sir John Moore's letter, in a subsequent page of this sheet; but there is one more passage in it, which is worthy of particular attention. He says: "I am sorry to say, "that the army, whose conduct I had such reason to extol on its march through Portugal, and on its arrival in Spain, has "totally changed its character since it began "to retreat. I can say nothing in its favour, "but that when there was a prospect of fighting the enemy, the MEN were then orderly, and seemed pleased and determined "to do their duty." The "MEN," observe. He does not say the officers and the men. The whole army has his censure, and the applauding exception applies only to the men.Now, then, what are become of all the evidence to character, which Mr. Yorke called forth, from Gen. Fitzpatrick, Sir James Pulteney and others, in favour of the Duke of York, and about that non-pareil of discipline, which the wisdom of that gallant Chieftain had introduced into the army? Where are we now to look for the excellence of that discipline? When I ventured to doubt of its existence, there were persons to say, that I ought to have fifty swords run through my body at once. But, here we have it under the General's own hand, that the army was bad in every respect, except in the native courage of the men. Indeed, as to this latter point, not only were the men pleased when there was a prospect of fighting the enemy; but, I state, upon the word of an eye and ear witness, that the men, during the whole of the retreat, blamed the precipitancy of the retreat, asked aloud, "what are we running away "from" and were by no means sparing of their execrations upon this score.Some of the public prints have expressed their regret, that this letter has been published. After all, it is, as the reader will see, but an extract of the letter; and, if the whole had been published, it is probable we should have had a pretty view of the situation of Spain. But, what harm can the publication do? Or, are there men so wedded to error, that they are sorry to be undeceived? Was it wrong to let us see, that we had been deceived with regard to the inclination of the people in Spain?" But, the army!" Well, what of the army? Are we not to know the ruth about the army? Or are we to know them only by the sums we pay for their support?. This letter of Sir John Moore is very valuable. It will be an answer to all those, who talk of the Duke of York's discipline. Sir Arthur Wellesley said, that the Duke of York merited his full share of the thanks that were given for the "victory" of Vimiera; let him, then, take his full share of whatever is due to the conduct of the army in its Spanish retreat.- -But, reader, after what we have seen of the appointment of officers, upon whom all discipline must depend, need we wonder at what the unfortunate General says? Could we have heard the true history of many other of our famous expeditions, we should not have been astounded by the letter of Sir John Moore, who, observe, gives the account, we have been reading, in a letter which he considers as private, and the ministers have, very evidently, consented to its publication, with a view of throwing the blame upon the army, or, at least, removing to the army a part of the blame, attached, before, solely to themselves. But, theirs is the blame of the original cause of all this evil. They should have known, that the people of Spain had neither force nor inclination to assist themselves; or, rather, to assist king Ferdinand, the design of making war for whom was first announced to the world in a toast, given by Mr. Canning, at the feast of the Turtle Patriots. This is what I charge them with. Their military blunders are nothing when compared to this, which is a fault that admits not of excuse or of palliation. Was there ever any thing so mad? Did ever any scheme bear upon the front of it such marks of genuine folly, as this scheme of fighting, and making the people of Spain fight, for a government, which they themselves had termed "infamous ?" Besides,. there was the rule of the priests. The existence of that alone must, one would think, have convinced any "sane person, that the people of Spain were not prepared for any exertion, proceeding from public spirit. Why, the mass of the people in Spain have never heard, their ears have never received even the sound of the words freedom and independence. They have never entertained the idea of liberty or of property. Need you, then, wonder at the "apathy and indifference," of which Sir John Moore speaks? A people in such a state think about how they are to get enough to eat and drink and to keep their bodies from the inclemency of the weather; but, what, in the name of reason, should they 18 fight for? Where, unless you first enlighten them, and break their chains, and give them motives, are they to see an inducement for sacrificing their lives? The same game, however, is, it seems, to be played in Portugal, whither, if the newspapers be correct, another expedition is going or gone. One would have thought, that we had had enough, in all conscience, of this work. But, there will be no end to it, as long as there is a spot of earth whereon for us to play our miserable pranks.In Sicily, we have. I think, from 12 to 18 thousand men pent up; and, for what? In order to know that well, you must read a pamphlet, not long ago published by Mr. Lekie. In that you will see very clearly the reason for keeping 18 thousand English troops in that Island. The Prince Regent of Portugal has, it seems, appointed one of our Generals (Beresford) to be Field Marshal of Portugal. This act speaks pretty plainly for itself. It clearly shews what the Prince Regent thinks of the attachment of his own subjects. The Portuguese Gereral FREIRE is said to have been butchered by his troops, on an accusation of treachery; while the French were advancing towards Oporto. And, this is the country, to which we are sending another army, at an expence enormous! One of the news-papers complains, that, since the retreat of Sir John Moore's army, the people of England are become cool as to the cause in Spain; the reason is, that they now understand what that cause really is; that they now know something of the situation of the people of Spain; in short, they are become cool, because they are no longer duped; because they see, that the war, if it had terminated successfully, would have only served to rivet the chains of the enslaved. The people of England are no longer to be made believe, that Ferdinand is to be got out of the clutches of Napoleon by the Spaniards, any more than, by the exertions of a pigeon, the cuckoo is to be wrested from the talons of a kite. It is quite enough, I think, for the people of England to stand patiently and see their carnings wasted in these expeditions, without calling on them to huzza and make bonfires for joy -There are hundreds upon hundreds, who fatten upon these enterprizes; who hail them with shouts of triumph; to whom an expedition is a dead fortune. That such persons should be enthusiastic in the cause is natural enough; but, that those who pay, that those whose comforts and whose necessaries are so much abridged by the expeditions; that such persons should rejoice at them would be unnatural indeed. Besides, the people of England are now convinced, that a remedy for these and all other political evils is to be found no where but at home. They know, that it matters to them not a straw what is done in Sicily or in any other country but England; and, they do really seem to be resolved, that nothing shall any longer delude them, or draw off their attention. MR. WARDLE.- -In the news-papers of Wednesday, the 12th instant, it is stated, that, at the WHIG CLUB, held on the 11th, Mr. WARDLE was proposed, as a candidate for the honour of being a member, which proposition was, it is said, received with enthusiasm. Now, 1, from authority, state, that this proposition was made without the approbation, and even without the knowledge of Mr. Wardle; and, I must say, that it was taking an unwarrantable liberty with a name, no small part of the praises attached to which have arisen from the circumstance of his belonging to neither of the two parties.With this exception, I see nothing to be disapproved of in the proceedings of the CLUB, upon this occasion; their Resolutions being very good, and their speeches too. But, why keep the Club up at all? The very existence of it is a mischief. It reminds people of what ought now to be forgotten; besides which, defy any man to shew me, that a Club, of any sort, ever did any good. How many hundreds of Clubs and Associations have we seen! And, have they, all put together, done a hundredth part so much as we have this last winter, seen done by ONE MAN? It seems to be in the nature of the people of England (and they are a people of good sober sense) to suspect; to view with a suspicious eye every thing done by a political association. They regard such associations as only another sort of rulers; men combined for the furtherance of their own private views; and they turn a deaf ear to them accordingly. As to this Club in particular, it is notorious that it was estab lished for the purpose of keeping together a body of parliamentary interest, for the purpose of getting possession of the power and emoluments of the state. To suppose, that the people will ever have any confidence in such a Club is folly in the highest degree.There are people, who are for taking the support of the Whigs. They will never give any support to any thing that is good. No: they are a body of politicians and the people will not hear, |