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side of the most public walk of the town, placing a picture upon the wall, representing a person burning in hell, and holding up his hands to angels, who seem waiting for authority to rescue the sufferer, to place a money box under the picture, and, when that box is filled to the satisfaction of the priests, the body is buried ;

preventing of Napoleon from becoming inaster of Spain. For my part, I despise such a motive of warfare; but, suppose it to be laudable, suppose this to have been a wise and just motive for our taking part in the war; and then, upon that supposition, I ask the reader, whether he thinks that it is probable; whether he thinks that it is possible, for a people, situated as the people of Spain are, to be roused to any thing like popular enthusiasm or public spirit, without being first enlightened as to the abuses practised upon them; without being first let loose from the chains with which they are bound? The answer of common sense is in the negative.The ministers had deputies enough in Spain. We hear, every day, of their information from Sir Such-an

that the priests are seen almost constantly prowling about with their torches, their hosts, and their benedictions, never forgetting a money box;that the situation of the labouring people is miserable in the extreme, they having no furniture, no beds but the earth and straw or rushes, and their cookery consisting chiefly of the boiling of chesnuts and roots in a sort of pipkins, or mugs, made of clay;—that his part, at least, of "the universal Span- one and Lord Such-an-one and His Excel"ish nation," are, as of course they must lency John Hookham Frere; but, there be, a filthy, meagre, and squalid race, needed none of this; to men, not blinded while the priests are stout and jolly fel- by their hatred of " jacobinism," and by lows, straight in shape and rosy in com- their eagerness to be a-doing, there needed plexion -It is very fine to talk about no more than a very ordinary portion of "altars." Such words do very well for general knowledge, joined to a very mothe rounding of a sentence; but, I put it derate capacity of judging of the power of to the good sense and to the real piety of causes in producing effects; there needed any man, whether it be desirable that any these only to convince our ministers, that, people should exist in such a situation? to resist Napoleon in Spain, with the smallThe ministers have said, that it was not est chance of ultimate success, a revolufor them to find fault with the system of tion, a complete and radical revolution, a either the Church or State in Spain. Cer- total change in the government, church as tainly not; but, it is one thing to find well as state, must first be accomplished. fault with, and interfere in, the internal go- It was not for them to dictate to the Spavernment of Spain, and another to give your niards, to tell them what sort of governsupport to that government; and that, too, at ment they ought to have, or what part of such an immense expence of lives as well their old system they ought to destroy; as of money to your own country. It is but, it was for them, it was their bounden one thing to call upon Spain to reform the duty, to ascertain that the people of Spain abuses of which I have been speaking, and were in a state, calculated to afford them another thing to send an army to assist a chance of success, before so much Engher rulers in upholding and perpetuating lish money and blood, and so much Engthose horrible abuses, abuses not more in-lish reputation was hazarded, in attempts jurious and degrading to man than they are blasphemous against his Maker. This nation, the ministers have told us, were unanimous in their enthusiasm in the cause of Spain. So they were; but, was not that enthusiasm bottomed upon the belief, that the Spaniards were fighting for freedom? Or, is there really to be found a man of impudence sufficient to assert, that the people of England were eager to give their money and to shed their blood for the support of a state of things, in which the hell-fire niche and money-box formed a principal feature?Let us leave, how- As to the military measures; as to the ever, the morality of the thing aside, and more or less of the probability of that misconsider our measures, with respect to Spain, fortune and disgrace, which attended our merely as to their policy, and let us sup-flight through Leon and Galicia, they are pose that policy to be confined to the nothing at all; though great in themselves,

to assist the Spaniards. This they did not ascertain; upon this subject, which was important above all others connected with the affairs of Spain, Sir John Moore's dispatches prove, that the English nation was completely misled; and the public will remember, that they were so misled by publications, official as well as others, issuing from the ministry, who, from the very outset, appear to have had uppermost in their thoughts the preventing of a popular revolution in Spam, lest the example of Spain should become contagious.

they are as nothing, when put in comparison with the principle of the war. It is to this principle that the people of England should look as to the cause, and the only cause, of all the sufferings of the army, and all the losses of the country in this war; and, I am persuaded, that there is no man, who gives the matter a serious and impartial consideration, who will not agree with me, that all those sufferings and all those losses are to be fairly ascribed to the reluctance of our ministers to see a free government established in Spain. They seem clearly to me to have thought, that a radical reformation in Spain; that the establishing, by the hands of the people, a new system of rule over that long-oppressed nation, would prove a dangerous example. But, to whom could the example be dangerous? Not to their Royal Master or his Family, whose subjects, though not without their grounds of complaint as to certain measures of his successive sets of servants, were in a situation having nothing in common with that of the people of Spain, any more than with that of the inhabitants of Guinea. Did they fear for the despotisms of the continent? If so, it would argue, that all which they and their partizans have said about the despotism of Napoleon is not believed by themselves; for, otherwise, they must have thought, that the best possible way of attacking Napoleon's government, was, to erect a free government in a great nation upon his frontiers. Did they fear for other governments of Europe, all of whom, by-the-bye, were at war with us? Did their love of monarchy so far subdue and swallow up their hatred of our enemies? If so, the feeling was the foolishest, the most senseless, that ever was entertained; for who does not see the utter impossibility of supporting those governments by any other means than those of reformation; aye, of complete regeneration, however terrific the word may sound at Whitehall? There was a time when men might reasonably differ in opinion upon this point; but, after all that we have now seen, it appears to me nothing short of insanity, or of the most criminal hypocrisy, to deny, that this is the only way, in which it is possible for those governments to preserve their existence.- -In | one of the excellent essays or MAJOR CARTWRIGHT, written at the breaking out of the present war between Russia and Sweden, he foretold, that, unless the king of Sweden began by a reformation at home; by calling the States together; by restoring to

the people the full enjoyment of their ancient constitution, this war would end in his ruin. He described the state of the country; shewed the want of motives in the people to defend it; and applied to this particular case, that principle, which he has so frequently and so ably maintained, namely, that without a people well disposed; without a people having motives for national defence, a standing army, would, in the end, avail him nothing. This prediction has been completely verified. And, are there still persons to call Major Cartwright a "jacobin"? Aye, are there, and to put a rope round his neck, too, if they could. What shall we say, then?

If this be the case; if men are not to be schooled by events like these, what ground is there to hope, that they will be induced, by reasoning, to act upon the principles, whereon is built the security of states and of thrones?As to what has occurred in Spain, since the return of our army, there is not much of interest. It was to be expected, that King Joseph would be crowned, and, having power on his side, it was quite natural for him to have an abundance of flattering addresses, from an enslaved people led by a gang of venal courtiers. The people who drop their pence into the hell-fire money box would, of course, have no scruple to cringe to the devil, and why should they scruple to cringe to Joseph Napoleon. He will be a despot; but he will do away, or, at least, greatly diminish, the intolerable, the degrading, the impious despotism of the plundering priests. I wish heartily to see him kicked down and afterwards hanged; but, only upon this condition, that the people regain something like freedom; that something like political liberty succeed his fall.The movements of the people of Cadiz, show, that they are more enlightened than the mass of the nation. Their demands carry in them the spirit of freedom; and, their complaint, that they were deprived of the use of the press shews very clearly how pernicious was the edict of the Central Junta, by which the freedom of the press was put a stop to. That edict disheartened me. After the issuing of that,

entertained no hope of the cause; and, I have been assured, by more than one gentleman, who have been much in Spain, during these times, that that measure more than any other, checked the spirit of those who were sufliciently enlightened and who were able, from their talents, to have acted a considerable part in defending the country against the French. I have been

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assured by two persons in particular, upon, now we shall hear what curious logic will whose judgment as well as upon whose be dished up for the amiable purpose of word can rely, that it was the decided persuading us, that the " legitimate" opinion of all the well informed part of prince is not to blame at all, while the the Spaniards, with whom they conversed, usurper" ought to be put to the rack. that a radical revolution was the first ne- I think the regular way, the standing rule, cessary measure of defence; nay, further, in all such cases, ought to be this: to hold that the articles, upon the subject, publish- it, as an article of faith, that the Devil is ed by me, at the time when I was charged now come upon the earth, and has crept with being instigated by the devil, were into the body of Buonaparte; whence, it read in Spain, and were highly approved would naturally follow, that all those who of by all such Spaniards; that those arti- act in concert with him and aid him in his cles were translated and spread widely views, act under supernatural controul, through the country; and that the edict of and, of course, that nothing which they the Junta was thought to be levelled parti- do for him ought to be imputed to any evil cularly at them. Now, what has this edict propensity in themselves, or in the nature done? It kept the people quiet 'till Joseph of their offices. Thus the fault will all fall came to take possession of them. It was upon him, and the honour of crowned a kind act towards nobody but Joseph Na-heads will remain untarnished. Hudibras poleon. It was intended for the use of Ferdinand and the Junta and the Priests; but it operated, as the most of such acts do, in a way directly the contrary of what was intended.

reasons thus: that the Devil is on the side of the wicked; that he is at the head of them; and that when "the Saints" are tempted to commit any sin, the fault is not theirs, but belongs to, and must be answered for by, the wicked, for whose benefit the Devil acts, and for whose sake he sometimes seduces "the Saints." Ah, Sir! said a Russian, to me, just after the rupture between us and Russia, "it is that fiend at "Paris. It is not the Emperor of Russia "that does this. He loves and admires "England, and would fain live in friend

AUSTRIA. -There seems to be as much pleasure felt, by the partizans of the ministry, at an approaching war between France and Austria, as if the latter was sure of the victory. It is said, that " now "is the time," while Napoleon's armies are in Spain. Just as if he had no other armies Napoleon knows better what he is about than our ministers appear to do," ship with her." This appeared to me, and, therefore, he has taken care to leave a very nice field for their military exploits in Portugal, which he is sure he can always drive them from, when he has settled matters elsewhere. He has seen what a hand we make of sending out armies; and, of course, he knows what he has to apprehend from our efforts. The Morning Chronicle, not many days ago, gave an admirable description of the internal situation of Austria. The conclusion drawn, was, that, unless a previous reform of the government took place, Austria would be again defeated, if not subdued. This is my opinion, and I believe it to be the general opinion in this country. There is not now, much fear of the public being deceived upon this score; but, deception, as we shall soon see, will not fail to be attempted. We shall have, if war take place, more of MR. HUSKISSON'S and MR. WARD's bulletins, and we shall be considered as jacobins if we do not believe them. The taking of a French hussar will afford a week's subject for bragging. Oh! the millions of lies that are now in egg, if this war be actually about to begin.Russia is, it seems, to take part with France, in this war; and,

at first sight, very strange; but, when I came to recollect the doctrine of Hudibras, the reasonableness of it appeared as clear as day-light. It was upon the same foun dation, I beg leave to suppose, that Mr. Canning proceeded, when, in his " uni"versal-Spanish-nation" Declaration, he spoke so compassionately of the part which the Russian Autocrat took in the overture from ERFURTH, while he thundered out so boldly upon the head of Buonaparté ; and, indeed, there is an absolute necessity of adopting this Hudibrastic doctrine; for, without it, we must conclude, that the Emperor of Russia, a "legitimate" sovereign, is either a partaker in the crimes, or is the tool of Buonaparté; either of which would reflect but very little honour upon crowned heads, and would not very strongly tend to make people believe, that there was any material difference between legitimate and illegitimate sovereigns.

AMERICAN STATES.-The debating gentlemen, who live across the Atlantic, have not, for some months, had much of my attention bestowed upon them. They have now, it seems, repealed their Embargo, except with respect to England and France;

the opposition proceeded in the question relative to America. They might, indeed, well be led to act thus; for it was a favourite scheme of Pitt's, who actually acquired and consolidated his power by persuading the nation, that it depended, for its existence, wholly upon something other than its people and its own resources. One time it was India, another time it was the Funds, another time it was the Open

Allies upon the Continent, and all through,

that is to say, they have given their ships liberty to come out, under the shabby, the miserable, the despicable appearance of still shewing their resentment against us. They know, that the cargoes will come to England; they know that they must come to England; they know that our Sea Orders, preventing them from going any where else, still exist. Aye, and they intend they shall come here too; only their silly, their empty pride, will not let them acknow-ing of the Scheldt, another time it was our ledge it.- -Did I not say, that, if our ministers held firm, they would be compelled to repeal this Embargo law? And did I not say, that they would sneak out of the thing in some way or other, which would, as they thought, hide their disgrace? No triumph can be more complete than that of the ministers, in this case. They have not moved an inch from their resolution. They have let the Americans do their worst; they have looked quietly on while America passed her avenging acts, which were to bring us upon our knees. We were fast forgetting her, when she herself, without any compromise, comes to. -I am not, perhaps, very disinterested in these praises of the ministers; for the truth is, that the measures towards America, | were as much mine as they were theirs. I alone supported them, while they were assailed by pamphlets and paragraphs and speeches innumerable. That support lost me the friendship of that worthy fellow, the INDEPENDENT WHIG, who not only cut me upon the occasion, but ripped up all my old sins, and threw them in my face, which hurt me the more as I sincerely respected the writer and admired his writings, which I still do. What are now become of all the predictions and alarms; all the threats of starvation and ruin; all the laborious calculations of Lords Grenville and Auckland? What talking, what debating, there were, this time twelvemonths, about the Orders in Council and about the corn, which, to poor starving England, would not come from America any longer! Lord Grenville spoke of the prospect of a rupture with America, with such manifest apprehensions in his mind, that I really felt pity for his lordship. Mr. Windham, upon whom it was incumbent to make a speech upon the subject, and whose mind is fertile in resource, left off without having distinctly asserted, or denied any thing.It is always bad to proceed upon a supposition, that there is a natural, inherent deficiency of means of any sort in the country itself; and this was the supposition, upon which

England's commercial greatness" swelled out the end of his noisy and empty speeches. Weil, the Scheldt is shut, our allies upon the Continent are pretty nearly extinguished and have long been lost to us, America has had her embargo, and Buonaparté has shut up all the ports of the Continent; and how do you feel yourself, my honest duped John Bull? Are you starved yet? Do the oxen fat in Devonshire? Do the sheep breed in Dorsetshire? Do the hogs breed and fat in Hampshire and the bees still collect honey there? Do you get wheat enough to make your loaf of? As to beer, the alarm of the barley-growers is, that they shall not know how to get rid of their corn. This is the master humbug. Only persuade a nation, that it cannot exist upon its own internal resources, and that nation is your slave, The nation is much indebted to Mr. SPENCE for proving the contrary; and much indebted to the ministers for having given us a practical demonstration of the truth of his doctrine. Really the Spaniards, in worshipping Dolls made for them by the heretics in Holland, are not much more foolish than were the Englishmen, who were cozened into a belief that they would all die if an end was put to Commerce and the Funds. They appeared, at one time, to believe that Pitt had the power of put, ting a stop to rains and snows; that it was he who made the grass grow and the corn ripen. But, some how or other, when he got out of place, he seemed to lose these divine powers. Mr. Addington came, and his partizans attempting to make the praises of Pitt apply to their patron, the thing became ridiculous, and actually the subject of a very smart copy of verses, of which, it was said, Mr. Canning was the author. The nation is never to be so duped again. The time for that gross duplicity is past. We have now proof, that our own resources are quite sufficient for us, and of this valuable knowledge we shall, I trust, make a proper use.

Botley, Thursday, 6 April, 1809.

MR. LYTTLETON has sent me a Letter, in which he has given me a correct report, according to the best of his recollection, of that part of his Speech, relative to MR. CANNING's ancestry, upon which I took occasion to offer some remarks. He has accompanied this with a criticism upon those remarks, from which criticism he appears to have miscomprehended my meaning much more than the reporter has, according to his own account, miscomprehended his. I inserted what I found in the news-papers, which, as the speeches are permitted to be published, I had a right to do. I am, at all times, happy to correct any report of a speech, or part of a speech; but, I can acknowledge a right in no one to require of me to insert explanations, especially if the request be conveyed in a dictatorial tone. Mr. Lyttleton's "explanation" of his words I do not think proper to insert; but, I here insert his correction of the passage alluded to, which will be quite sufficient for all purposes, as the reader will be fully competent himself to find out the meaning of the words, and to see in what, if in any thing essential, the error of the news-paper reporter consisted.—“ That I should not be "deterred from freely uttering my opinion "by any dread of the right hon. gent.'s eloquence, even though he should exer"cise himself in raking up some obscure "and scandalous anecdotes respecting my "grandfather, or great-grandfather. That, "indeed, I thought it unworthy of that right hon. gent.'s talents and generosity "to attack us in that manner, and to en" gage in a species of warfare, in which "he must be conscious we should meet "him upon unequal terms, since we had "no weapons with which to retort upon "him, in the utter deficiency, as far as "my researches into English History had gone, either of authentic facts, or even "of traditionary rumours respecting his ancestry. That I did deprecate such unequal encounters, which I should not "have anticipated, or supposed possible, "if recent experience had not proved the contrary, and made it a point of pru"dence to guard one's self against them."

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SPEECH

OF

SIR FRANCIS Burdett, At the Meeting at Westminster, 30th March

1809.

GENTLEMEN ELECTORS OF WESTMINSTER, "This is the first opportunity that I have had, since you conferred upon me

the honour of being one of your Representatives, of returning you my sincere and heartfelt thanks. If I forbear from saying much of your conduct at the last Election, it is from fear that I should be supposed to be praising myself in praising you; but at the same time, if I were to say nothing, I fear it might by some be considered as ingratitude and insensibility of the honour you have done me. As to the Resolutions which have been read to you, in general they meet my most perfect approbation : but, if there is any one to which I cannot give such entire assent, it is to that in which your kindness to me has induced you to return me particular thanks for the share I took in the discussion of those transactions, which have recently occupied the attention of Parliament and of the Public. The share that I took was certainly not more than what my duty required; and there were several other Members fully as forward in discharging their duty as I was. As to the Resolution of returning your thanks to Col. Wardle, this is most undoubtedly his due; for I am well convinced, that out of the six hundred and fiftyeight Members who compose the House of Commons, there is not another man who would have undertaken what he has undertaken, or would have gone through it as well as he has done. There never was, perhaps, a business of such a nature brought forward, where the Mover was so little liable to any imputation. Other public prosecutions may be supposed to originate from disappointed hopes, or personal resentment; but Col. Wardle had no personal disappointments or mortifications to resent, he had no promotion to look for, no hopes to gratify, and had brought the measure forward solely for the public good.

His whole conduct of the business evinced the utmost coolness, candour, and impartiality. I should be very happy indeed, to have been able to give the same praise of candour and impartiality to all the Members of that House who were the judges upon that occasion. Those qualities which the judges ought to have possessed, Col. Wardle eminently displayed; and yet great allowances would have been made to the zeal, and even the partial bias, which an accuser may be supposed generally to entertain. In this case, however, the candour, impartiality, and all the qualities which were to be looked for in judges was with the accuser, and very little of those qualities were to be found on the other side. The Gentlemen who have preceded me, have told you

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