CHAPTER IV.

Complexion of Political Parties—Factions—Mr. Grimes Nominated for Governor-Consults the Abolitionists—Abolition Ticket WithdrawnMr. Grimes Canvasses the State-Call for a State Convention-Meet and Organize-Make-up of Convention—Mr. Kirkwood Attends—Is Called Out and Makes a Speech-Elected to the State Senate-On Most Important Committee-Introduces a Free Kansas Joint Resolution— Supports it in a Speech—Mr. Harlan Sent Back to the Senate After Being Sent Home-Change in Congressional Districts—Arkansas and New Hampshire Resolutions.

There are times in the history of our country when the great body of the people are nearly equally divided on a clear and distinct line of public policy, and two sides are taken on a single clear, distinct and well-defined principle, or set of principles, and these principles are enunciated in a platform, sometimes composed of a single plank, but more frequently of several. On the other hand, there are times when the body politic seems cut up into factions, and there are squads of all shades of political complexions, and the people are divided up on various and diverse principles and projects.

The first instance of the former state of affairs was in the later colonial times, and during the revolutionary period of 1776, when the parties were divided into Whigs and Tories, and the political platform of the former was the immortal Declaration of Independence, the most clean-cut political document ever penned.

An instance of the other state of affairs was in 1824, when there were four presidential candidates in the field, and all claimed to be Democrats.

The most notable state of affairs of this latter class was

about the year 1854 to 1856. The old Whig party was then fast integrating, and had become divided into " "Woolly

Heads" (anti-slavery) and "Silver Greys" (pro-slavery). The Democrats were divided into "Free Soilers" and "Hunkers," the latter slavery propagandists and the former slavery restrictionists. There was also a faction of them called "Barnburners," who would purify the party as the Dutchman got rid of rats, by smoking them out and, in the process, burning up his barn. We had the "Old Abolitionists" and the new-fangled party styled "Know Nothings," and there was a small party called "National Reformers," sometimes called the "Vote Yourself a Farm" party, because their almost single principle has given birth to, and been crystalized in our, "pre-emption," "homestead" and "timber culture" laws, relating to the settlement of our public domain.

The last State Whig convention was held in the year 1854, when James W. Grimes was the nominee of the Whig party for Governor. A State convention of Abolitionists had been held the same year, and a full ticket had been nominated by them, and though this party was small and few in numbers, they held the balance of power, and it was pretty certain that with three tickets in the field the Democrats would win. Under this state of affairs Mr. Grimes visited Dr. Shedd and the leading Abolitionists in their stronghold at Denmark, in Lee county, told them privately, but fully and frankly, what his position and principles were on questions dividing the parties, and stated if these were satisfactory to them, and if they would withdraw their ticket from the field, he would make a canvass of the State and endeavor to be elected, otherwise he would return to Burlington, devote himself to his law practice, and leave the political canvass to take care of itself.

The Abolition ticket was withdrawn. Mr. Grimes opened a vigorous personal canvass, crossed the State from Burlington to Council Bluffs, speaking to large audiences in all the important towns; thence across the State again by way of Des Moines tc Dubuque, intending to return home by way of the river counties, visiting on his way some of the

large towns in the more inland counties. But his voice had become so worn-out by his much speaking that he went directly home from Dubuque, stopping only at the large towns on the river. At this time there was not a mile of railroad in the State, nor were many of our streams bridged, and some of our sloughs were almost impassable, and traveling was slow, tedious, wearisome and vexatious. But the work was done, and the result was that he was triumphantly elected by over two thousand majority.

This coalition was the funeral knell of both the Whig and Abolition parties in Iowa, as they were never heard of afterward.

The Whig party, however, left to the State a dying legacy in the nomination by the Whig members of the General Assembly the next winter, who resolved themselves into a self-constituted State convention, of a State ticket that was voted for and elected the next April, after being endorsed by the Know-Nothings in State Council assembled.

But all political parties in the State except the Democratic were this year in a state of "innocuous desuetude," and became wholly disbanded.

On the third day of the following January there appeared in public print, where or by whom written it would now be difficult to ascertain, the following notice:

TO THE CITIZENS OF IOWA:

Believing that a large majority of the citizens of lowa are opposed to the political principles of the present Administration, and to the introduction of slavery into territory now free, and that made free by the compromises of 1820, and that the party styling itself the "Democratic Party" are striving to make slavery a great national institution, contrary to the principles laid down in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution as taught by the fathers of the Republic. We would call upon all such free citizens to meet in convention at Iowa City, on the 22d day of February, for the purpose of organizing a Republican party, to make common cause with a similar party already formed in several other of the States of the Union.

January 3, 1856.

MANY CITIZENS.

This was the conception of the Republican party in Iowa. Its birth took place on the 22d of the following month, when it was baptized and christened. Behind this call was no "central committee," no organization, no association, no club, nobody with any official authority to issue it; but as soon as it met the public eye it went over the State like a prairie fire before a driving wind. The public mind was ripe for something better in the shape of a political organization than any that then existed. The The Many Citizens and their friends came together. They met as "Abolitionists," "Free Soilers," "Whigs," "Know Nothings," "Naturalized Foreigners," "Disgusted Democrats," and "the rest of mankind opposed to slavery extension;" but they all went home as "Republicans," with one creed, one confession, one covenant and one baptism. There was a spontaneous uprising of the people, and that uprising culminated in the organization of the Republican party. Never was field more ripe for the harvest than was Iowa then for the gathering together and the uniting of the hosts of her people in opposition to the encroachments of the slave power.

The venerable Philip Viele was made president of the convention, and among its members were such men as Price, of Scott; Grinnell, of Powesheik; Judge Hubbard, of Linn; Nourse and McCrary, of Van Buren; Finkbine and Kirkwood, of Johnson. But it is invidious to make separate mention, when all were able and sound.

The late Alfred Sanders, then the able editor of the Davenport Gazette, and one of its members said of it:

"It was much the largest convention that ever assembled in the State of Iowa. Men were there as delegates from Dallas, Cerro Gordo and other far-distant counties, many of them having traveled from 100 to 150 miles. The greatest enthusiasm marked the proceedings, and the utmost unanimity prevailed upon the great question for which we had all assembled. Scores of speeches were made, all pointing to the great issue, and every one of them marked by ability. Men accustomed to attend political gatherings, and who had assembled in con

ventions in Eastern States, remarked that they had never witnessed such a manifestation of talent. During the afternoon and evening one after another took the floor in favor of the limitation of slave territory, sundered the ties that bound him to his old party, and gave in his allegiance to the Republican party. It was an experience meeting, and men in the candor of their hearts briefly, tersely told of their bitter experience in the schools of the old parties. The happiest feeling prevailed, and men felt as though they had indeed assembled for a great and noble purpose, and that their constituents who had entrusted to them a question of such vital importance expected of them that they would do their work satisfactorily.

It was done satisfactorily. A platform was constructed upon which every man opposed to the encroachments of slavery upon free territory could stand."

Jacob Butler, afterwards Speaker in the General Assembly and Attorney-General of the State, a delegate from Muscatine county, being one of the most enthusiastic among the members, after the unanimous adoption of the platform, jumped on to his desk swinging his hat, when he shouted, "Mr. President, I am now like Simeon of old-'Mine eyes have seen the salvation of the Lord; now let thou thy servant depart in peace. His was but the expression of joy felt by a great many others.

This convention was not called as a mass or delegate meeting, and some came simply as citizens of the State, and some as delegates from counties; but it was finally resolved into a delegate body, each county being entitled to a specified number of votes. It met in the morning and the formal business was completed soon after dinner. The committee on platform was sent out, and so many diverse opinions and interests were represented that had to be compromised and harmonized, that the committee were out not only a good part of the afternoon, but till late in the night, and the time of the convention was in the mean time spent in listening to speeches from various persons as the spirit moved them or as they were called out.

The firm of Clark & Kirkwood, in addition to the farm and mill at Coralville, two miles up the river, had a store in