racter which is understood to belong to these services of Mr. Canning

A case was much talked of during the last election, which will serve the purpose of illustration. A considerable quantity of sugars arrived from the West Indies, which, not being accompanied by the usual certificate that they were the produce of a British plantation, were put under seizure. Application was made in the ordinary channel that the sugars might be delivered up, on bond being given by the importers that the certificate should be forthcoming in a certain time. It was not pretended that there was any thing illegal or improper on the part of the importers; but the application was refused, solely because the certificate was wanting. If the sugars had remained under seizure, it would have been attended with serious inconvenience, and probably with loss, the application was therefore renewed-but now through the medium of Mr. Canning; and it was granted without hesitation! No reasonable man will complain that the merchants obtained the restitution of their property; a liberal interpretation of the circumstances clearly entitled them to it; but why was it not obtained on their own representation? Why, after it was refused to the party themselves, was it granted to the member for Liverpool, who is president of the Board of Controul?

Mr. Canning tells us that he does not suffer the recollection of local politics to warp the straight line of duty. If this be really the case, which, without extravagant scepticism, we may doubt, the mercantile body of Liverpool may have no right to complain. It is said, however, by those

who have had experience" General Gascoyne to be sure was very attentive, he always did his hest, but there is nothing like Mr. Canning." Just so: and unless therefore Mr. Canning extends his impartial services to London, Bristol, Dublin, Glasgow and elsewhere, or unless an influence as effective be exerted in favour of these places, how are their merchants, and how are the residents of the interior everywhere, who are little less liable to them, to escape from hardships similar to that which, in the case stated, was averted by the influence of Mr. Canning? In truth the Right Honourable Gentleman well knows that these services are admirably calculated to allay the spirit of hostility to engender an unwillingness to oppose; to create an inward contest, which ends sometimes in apologies, for continued opposition-sometimes in neutralizing-and sometimes in triumphantly leading former enemies into the rank of present supporters. Mr. Canning understands the whole process thoroughly; and his connexion with the Borough of Liverpool, which, so long as it lasts, in return for his services, (and he never fails to secure his quid pro quo) places a seat for some other borough at the disposal of him and his colleagues, demonstrates the excellence of that now obsolete principle of the constitution, by which it is declared, that no person "who has an office or place of profit under the King, or receives a pension from the crown, shall be capable of serving as a member of the House of Commons."

It is but too probable that the 900 signatures so promptly obtained to the late requisition, are to be ascribed, in some measure, to a recollection, or to

a hope of similar services; though the disposal of the patronage the places in the Custom-houseand other departments of the revenue, must have been a powerful means of inspiring kindred recollections and kindred hopes.

Such, fellow-townsmen, is the connection which subsists between this man and Liverpool. But let us look to him as a politician; let us recur to some of the measures of the administration of which he forms a part. Remember the riotous proceedings of the ignorant but distressed manufacurers of Derbyshire and the neighbourhood, confessedly incited by Oliver and other base instruments of these base ministers, and terminating in the tragical execution of the miserable victims! Remember the suspension of the habeas corpus act the multitudes of our innocent country men, who, by virtue of that suspension were cruelly incarcerated-who were afterwards released from prison, without being even confronted with their accusers; and though many were thus ruined in their circumstances, all were denied the means of redress! Remember that when we petitioned for relief from the burthen of taxation, we were told that this burthen, however grievous, was inadequate to the necessities of the state; and although specific articles of expenditure were pointed out as wasteful and injurious, they were pertinaciously persevered in, and THREE MILLIONS of additional taxes were unfeelingly imposed upon us.

Is it to be wondered at that such conduct being sanctioned by the late House of Commons, the conviction that the people were not duly represented there is confirmed and extended? On this subject too the people have everywhere petitioned;

but every petition has been treated with indifference or contempt, and in one case the people peacefully assembled to petition, were openly and cruelly massacreed! The constitution formerly told us that justice shall neither be denied nor delayed; but, notwithstanding the applications made in all the courts, every avenue to inquiry has been closed: and while the unfortunate sufferers, and the people of England, outraged by this carnage, are denied the justice which a due administration of the laws might afford, prosecutions are now pending by which it is intended to involve some of these sufferers themselves in the pains and penalties of actual crime. Meanwhile, new laws have been enacted by whieh we are subjected to increased resraint, and exposed to further violence.

In all these proceedings Mr. Canning has borne a distinguished part. He has vigorously opposed himself to all enquiry, he has been forward in advocating every measure by which the privileges and the comforts of the people were invaded and abridged-every motion which might lead to their relief and protection he has decidedly and strenuously resisted. And General Gascoyne has well sustained the character of his humble supporter. How far it may be in your power, fellow-towns. men, successfully to oppose the re-election of these men remains to be seen. It is, however, of importance that an opportunity is afforded to those who have votes to exercise them on the present occasion; and we may see in the result whether the past conduct of Mr. Canning and his colleague is sanctioned by the great body of the freemen of Liverpool.

Undoubtedly every man who has a vote is bound to exercise it, on behalf, not only of himself, but of those who, in the present state of the franchise, are denied the right of voting; and the conclusion is inevitable, that all who do not vote against the members approve of their conduct. Would to God the appeal was made not to a small part, but to all the inhabitants.

Liverpool, 6th March, 1820.

MANLIUS.

P. S.-On my return from the hustings, I will just add that I have heard with great pleasure the several points herein mentioned adverted to with great force and ability, by some of the speakers at the nomination. Mr. Canning replied in his accustomed manner-by avoiding as far as possible the principles on which his conduct was arraigned and wholly omitting to notice many of the facts which were brought against him. He renewed his boast of impartiality in the distribution of his services to opponents as well as friends. Services! Yes! this is the oil with which he molifies-the silken cord with which he entangles-the spell with which he binds!

One instance of the adroitness with which he can evade an accusation is worth noticing. Colonel Williams, whose manly and eloquent speech connot be too greatly admired, accused Mr. Canning, as one of the ministers, of advising the speech delivered in the King's name when Parliament was lately prorogued; in which speech the late Catostreet conspiracy is plainly ascribed to the Reformers as a body. The Colonel justly called it an

H