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of price, and if prices fell, so would the wages of labour. He did not say that wages always rise with the price of food; but, certainly, they always fall in proportion to it. He had been about to withdraw his support from the late Government when they brought forward their fixed duty scheme; he certainly should take care how he did anything of that sort again, -how he withdrew his support from one party before he had tried another. He certainly did expect from a Conservative Government that they would have conserved existing institutions. A new tariff to follow the 8s. duty was looked for from Lord John Russell; but who ever expected a tariff from such a quarter? What did the Government expect by such a measure? Popularity? They might obtain the votes of the people, but they had lost their hearts. There would be other and greater effects; the country could not resume the confidence it had previously felt in its own power and resources. The people would not know what to expect. It would be almost better to have free trade at once. A free trade would raise the energies of the people, and, if freed from the burthen of taxation, or-if unable to do that-with a currency to meet that taxation, the people of England might do wonders; for the contraction of the currency by the Bank was the real cause of the distress.

Lord Fitzgerald, after comment ing on some inconsistencies in Lord Western's speech, adduced evidence from Sir Robert Peel's former speeches to exonerate him from the charge of deception.

Lord Beaumont admitted, that after the change proposed by the

late Ministry, their successors must inevitably take up the subject; but he did not anticipate that, at one fell swoop, half the protection would be removed from wheat, and two thirds from barley; and he complained that the intentions of Ministers had been kept so secret that they had taken the country by surprise; Lincolnshire, Buckinghamshire, and Essex, however, had protested against the measure, and in other counties it was regarded with dismay.

the

Lord Brougham neither concurred in Earl Stanhope's opposition, nor altogether in the measure itself; and he should move an amendment, asserting what he considered to be a right and just principle, the total and absolute repeal of the duty on foreign corn. Comparing the Bill with the existing law, Lord Brougham judged it to be an improvement in the removal of obstacles to the importation of corn, and that it would to a certain extent, render more difficult the trafficking and jobbing in the averages; though he doubted whether the addition of 150 towns would have effect expected. The measure was but a step in the right direction, which would open the gates to further improvement. In a final settlement of the question, the agriculturists were most interested, for, until that was effected, no man knew the real value of land. To show the groundlessness of alarm at the total repeal of the Corn-law, he explained how small the supplies were which could be brought from abroad. In Jersey, where there is perfect freedom, the price of wheat in 1840, was no lower than 51s., while it was 57s. in England. If there were free trade in England, either there

must be a great demand, and then prices abroad would rise consider ably, or there must be no such demand, and, in that case, no harm could be anticipated. In improving our commercial intercourse with foreign states, the condition of those states must be bettered, and the consumption of corn there would increase; a process illustrated by the course of the trade with Ireland, and the diminished importation from that country. The distress had been attributed, not to the Corn-laws, but to the currency; but the evil influence was only imputed since 1835, and the measure which altered the currency was passed twenty years before, and could not have anything to do with it. And was it desirable to issue Go vernment assignats? was there no fear of a recourse to a system under which in France 500,000 francs' worth of assignats had purchased only a pair of gloves? He argued that the price of provisions and of labour had no mutual dependence, and he concluded by moving an amendment to Lord Stanhope's, that no duty ought to be imposed upon the importation of foreign corn.

Earl Fitzwilliam would vote for the bill, as bearing within itself the seeds of future amendment. He held it impossible for any one to believe, that the right honourable Baronet who had propounded this measure, and the Tariff in connection with it, did not see much further into the question than those Gentlemen who thought it would be a final settlement. A final settlement of this question there could be but one, and that was the adoption of a perfectly free trade.

Viscount Melbourne could nei-
VOL. LXXXIV.

ther approve of the principle, nor the general provisions of the bill; but he would not deprive the country of the advantages which it undoubtedly offered as compared with the present system.

On a division, Lord Stanhope's amendment was rejected, by 119 to 17. Lord Brougham's by 109 to 5. The bill was then read a second time.

On the motion to go into committee, on the following day, Viscount Melbourne moved the amendment of which he had given notice. He had always been a friend to free-trade, and he was so still. It would have been much better for the world, if trade had been free from the beginning,had all nations applied themselves to the cultivation and interchange of the commodities which each could produce under the most favourable circumstances, reciprocally; but while all sound argument, all good sense, all clear reason, all the well understood interests of mankind were on that side, all usage, all custom, all prejudices, and, with but few exceptions, all feelings, were on the other. He, therefore, could not adopt the resolution which Lord Brougham was to move against all restriction on corn. He did not arrive at that conclusion by the argument that the agriculturists were entitled to protection on account of exclusive burthens ; if they had such burthens, they ought to be removed. Neither did he rely on the objections to dependance on foreign countries. Two of the greatest republics, Rome and Athens, were wholly dependent on foreign supplies. Even if we did depend on foreign countries for corn, foreign countries must depend on us for payment; and [F]

nothing would more tend to pre. serve peace than thus establishing the relation of tradesman and customer. He was not prepared, however, by removing all restrictions on importation, to make experiments in throwing inferior lands out of culture. How then to impose that restriction? He thought that the best way would be by a fixed duty; which would have the effect of giving freedom to trade, remove the opportunity for fraud, or, what was almost as bad, the suspicion of fraud, and would at the same time assist the revenue. It was said that a fixed duty could not be maintained; but they had adhered to another plan; the excitement which pains had been taken to get up, had failed; and if so unlikely an event occurred as the price rising under the fixed duty, there could be no more difficulty of maintaining it than with a high price under the existing scale. Lord Melbourne moved, "That it is the opinion of this House that a fixed duty upon the importation of foreign corn and flour would be more advantageous to trade, and more conducive to the general welfare of all classes of the people than a graduated duty varying with the average of prices in the markets of this country."

The Earl of Ripon said, that the House could not rescind the decision of the previous evening in order to adopt an entirely new principle for the regulation of corn; while, as to the mode of carrying it into effect, Lord Melbourne had not given any glimmering of intimation. The only effect would be to extinguish the bill; but when that was got rid of, the question would not be advanced one jot. Everybody admitted that

some measure was necessary; all but seventeen had on the previous evening conceived it advisable to come to some settlement of the question. But Lord Melbourne, though he named no sum, hinted that he was still attached to the 8s. fixed duty; and that, Lord Ripon contended, would not be sufficient protection, since, if corn could be imported into this country at 40s, it would sell at 488., some eight or ten shillings below the point at which the remunerating price had been taken. Then, when prices rose very high, the 8s. duty was to be removed -- sliding or jumping down from 88. to nothing; but how it was to be removed Lord Melbourne did not explain.

The Earl of Clarendon congratulated Lord Ripon on the unanimity which prevailed as to the necessity of changing the Cornlaws.

He did not think that the measure was such that the Duke of Buckingham need have seceded from his colleagues on account of it, or that Lord Stanhope need have conjured up visions of revolution and ruin, still he rejoiced that Lord Stanhope's motion was not successful; for he looked on the introduction of the bill as a great and important event, and as the abandonment of all those positions hitherto held by the party now in power. He was not for withdrawing all protection; and he thought that if the 88. duty had been adopted, protection might have been prolonged for some time to come. But that measure had been dealt with as the Reform Bill had; and if the present bill passed-maintaining as it did the essential evils of the existing system, based as it was on no solid arguments, and accompanied by examples of a different kind in the

Tariff it must only lead to agitation for further changes.

The Earl of Wicklow accepted the measure as leading to greater changes. At one time, Lord Ripon himself was anxious to maintain the price of wheat at 80s., and Lord Wicklow thought that by successive measures they might gradually discover to what extent reduction could go without injury to the agricultural interests. After referring to a few smaller points, he acknowledged that he was glad, for the sake of Ireland, that the measure was accompanied by a removal of the prohibition on the importation of live stock. Before the war, Ire land had been principally used for pasturage; but war prices had pro moted corn-tillage; that had led to a denser population; and for Ireland now to return, with a redundant people, to pastoral em ployments, must be a great evil.

Lord Vivian thought, that after 180 years of legislation on corn, with thirty-eight acts of Par liament, and no satisfactory result, it would be as well now to try the effect of a free importation in settling a question which had deranged the currency, shaken credit, and disturbed the country.

The Duke of Cleveland wished to explain the vote which he was about to give: "He had contended for the maintenance of the existing law, not as believing it perfect, but because he thought if the ice were broken further alterations would lead to a total repeal. Now a Corn-law was proposed on the same principle as the present, but with a modification of the existing law. When first he was made acquainted with it, he was somewhat startled at its extent; but on reflection he came to the conclusion, that, although it effected a

considerable alteration, yet that the agriculture of the country would be able to compete with the difficulty as far as wheat was concerned. In several parts of the country, and particularly in the county of Durdam, there was a great deal of wheat grown on land which ought not to be made to produce wheat, and which might be brought into much better cultivation with oats; and when he heard of the alteration, and before he knew precisely what it was, he intended to have induced his tenantry to grow more oats and less wheat: but if there were so large an importation of oats as some expected, he had no hesitation in saying, that, coupled with the importation of foreign wheat, it would seriously injure the agricultural interest. He freely admitted, that after the great outcry on the subject of the Corn-laws, if the duties on wheat were to be altered at all, a less change could not be made than was proposed in this bill. Though he very much condemned the great reduction of the duty on barley and oats, yet he considered it on the whole to be consonant to his duty to vote for this bill; and certainly his anxious wish was that it should pass into a law. He should have been better pleased if Lord Ripon had said that the measure was a final measure; and he hoped that the Cornlaws would never experience any further alteration during his own life."

The Earl of Ripon put in a few words as to the finality of the measure:-"All he could say for himself was this, that if he brought forward the measure, intending or wishing it not to be final, he would say so. He had never said that with respect to this measure.

He

hoped that it would be final; he thought it would be a good thing if it should be so, and it would not be his fault if it were not."

The Earl of Roseberry thought that it would have a very brief existence, and that even as a step towards further measures it would be a failure. A fixed duty appeared to him the only remedy for the existing evils.

The Marquess of Salisbury advocated the Government plan.

It was attacked by Lord Portman; who wondered at Lord Ripon's inconsistency in supporting it, since in 1821 and 1822 he sat as one of nineteen county Members upon a select committee, which reported in favour of a fixed duty. The measure would unsettle every bargain between landlord and tenant, without relieving the country from dependence on the speculator; and if it failed, it would be impossible to fall back on a fixed duty.

The Earl of Winchelsea was prepared to contend that the bill would give to the agriculturists greater protection than they had ever had before-not because it would enhance prices, but because it would relieve the grower from the frauds practised upon the averages and the sudden alterations in the duties. He thought it a great improve

ment.

Lord Monteagle, who also considered the bill an improvement, descanted at considerable length on the necessity of a foreign supply, and the comparative merits of freetrade in corn, a sliding-scale, and a fixed duty; giving the preference to the last. He wished that he could discuss the measure in a gelect committee; he defied the Government to produce a single witness to defend the sliding-scale

-a single mercantile man-or to produce one from the eminent men all over the world who would not reprobate the sliding-scale as the greatest monster in legislation which had ever been produced. In all the revisions of the tariffs, by some of the wisest and most experienced men, had the principle of a contra valorem scale ever been applied to any article but corn?

He insisted that a fixed duty would be more easily maintained in time of dearth than a sliding duty. "Suppose a great exigency had arrived a time when prices were high, and food was dear, and when there would be a great clamour for the repeal of the fixed 8s. duty. The Government would deliberate whether they should or should not adhere to the duty.

Were he answering for them, he should certainly say under such circumstances, adhere to the duty; for this reason, that if even the Government were to give way, and the fixed duty be removed, the consumer would get little or no benefit from it-it would all go to the owner of the grain. An instance occurred the other day illustrative of the operation of this. There was a great quantity of foreign grain lying in bond at Glasgow, or on the Clyde: there was great distress in the neighbourhood at the time, and the Government were called upon to allow the grain to go out of bond duty free; suppose they had, what would have followed? was it thought for a moment that the grain so let out would have sold for 20s. a quarter less than the other grain of the same quality then in the market? would the taking off the duty have lessened the price in that case? No; the only effect would have been to put so much money into

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