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the Cathedral to return thanks openly for the event. For some time no ministry could be formed, chiefly owing to the difficulty of dealing with Costa Cabral, the prime mover of the revolt, who was too popular to be passed over—and yet, whose conduct seemed to preclude the possibility of his taking office with his former colleagues. The ministerial crisis terminated at the end of February, after an interregnum of seventeen days, and the result was the formation of a Cabinet, in which the Duke da Terceira was the nominal Premier; but Costa Cabral, as Minister for Home Affairs, in reality wielded the power of government. The Minister of Justice was Senor Mello e Carvalho, and Baron de Tojal was appointed Minister of Finance— while the portfolio for Ecclesiastical Affairs was given to J. Baptista Filgueiras; but this last appointment being distasteful to Costa Cabral and his partizans, Filgueiras was dismissed, after holding office only two days. On the 10th of July the Portuguese Cortes were opened by the Queen in person. With regard to the Charter, the Royal Speech said: “Your mission is to consolidate it; and, I trust, you will fulfil it.” Two treaties concluded between England and Portugal are alluded to very shortly in the following terms : “Two treaties which I have concluded with Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain have been signed, and will be presented to you immediately after ratification; one of them is for the repression of the Slave-trade, the other to strengthen the mutual relations of commerce and navigation.” PRussia-On the 19th of Au
gust, an ordinance was issued by the King of Prussia, convening “An Assembly of the United Committees from all the provinces of the Empire.” The King therein stated, that the course he was taking was “with a view to the development of the representative system, established by his deceased father.” “I have accordingly called upon the assembled Committees to adjust the conflicting views of the diets of the separate provinces; to utter their sentiments and views on laws under consideration in the higher departments of legislation; to give expression to their opinion on the necessity for the enactment of new laws, and on the direction to be given to them; and also to assist my government with their advice, founded on their practical experience of the interests of their provinces, in matters which have not hitherto been submitted to the consideration of the Provincial States.” The following subjects were proposed by the ordinance for the consideration of the Assembly:— 1st. The details of proposed reductions in taxes; 2nd. A comprehensive system of general railroads; 3rd. The enactment of a law for the regulation of private rivers. On the 18th of October, the Assembly met at Berlin, and the session was opened in a hall of the palace, by Count von Arnim, Minister of the Interior, who read at length the ordinance above quoted, and, at the conclusion of his address, exhorted them to “let the common cause of All Prussia be constantly borne in mind—preserve always a lively consciousness that you are assembled here as the members of one body of the
UNITED STATES.–Annual Message of President to Congress-Correspondence betneen Lord Palmerston, Lord Aberdeen, and Mr. Stevenson, respecting the Right of Search—Presentment of the Grand Jury of Philadelphia against N. Biddle and others for Conspiracy— Case of the brig Creole, and Mutiny of Slaves on board—The British Government determines to send out Lord Ashburton to America as a special Ambassador—Repudiation of State Debts—The President vetoes two Tariff Bills-Report of the Senate condemning the conduct of the President—Protest of the President—Treaty respecting the North Western Boundary signed at Washington— Its provisions—Public Entertainment given to Lord Ashburton at
Nen, £o. betnveen Lord Ashburton and Mr. Webster—President's Message to Congress.
N the 7th of December, 1841, the annual message from the President (Mr. Tyler) was delivered to Congress on its opening. He began by congratulating Congress that throughout the year “peace has been on our borders, and plenty in our habitations.” He then alluded to the acquittal of Alexander M*Leod, in which he rejoiced ; while he regarded the trial of M'Leod as the only answer that could be given to the demand of Great Britain for his discharge, “by a government, the powers of which are distributed among its several departments by the fundamental law.” The executive government of the Union could enter a nolle prosequi upon a prosecution pending in a State Court; but no foreign power could complain of that, as it was a mere point of municipal regulation to
fix at what stage of proceedings such an order might be made. “I cannot fail, however,” says Mr. Tyler, “to suggest to Coness the propriety, and, in some egree the necessity, of making such provisions by law, so far as they may constitutionally do so, for the removal, at their commencement, and at the option of the party, of all such cases as may hereafter arise, and which may involve the faithful observance and execution of our international obligations, from the State to the Federal judiciary. This government, byour institutions, is charged with the maintenance of peace and the preservation of amicable relations with the nations of the earth; and ought to possess, without question, all the reasonable and proper means of maintaining the one and preserving the other.
Whilst just confidence is felt in the judiciary of the States, yet this vernment ought to be competent in itself for the fulfilment of the high duties which have been de.. upon it under the organic law by the States themselves," ing with approbation of the prompt release of “one Gro. gan” by the Canadian authorities, the President regretted that he could not report an equally satisfactory conclusion of the Caroline case; the British Government having made no atonement for the wrong done to the territory of the United States. If the owner of the vessel were proved to have acted in conjunction with “those who were in the occupancy of Navy Island," it would bar his claim for indemnification; but that would not touch the higher question of the territorial inviolability of the Union, the invasion of which could only be justified by the most pressing emergency. He made no doubt that the British Government would see the propriety of renouncing the precedent which it had set in the affair at Schlosser, On the right of search of ships bearing the flag of the Union, as suspected slavers, Mr. Tyler made no concession ; at the same time he called upon Congress to give greater force and efficacy to the laws for the suppression of the slave-trade. He stated that he had no progress to report in the Boundary question. He next turned to the other foreign affairs of the Union, expressing a warm interest in the welfare of Texas. The war in Florida had been prosecuted with unabated activity, and seemed to approach a speedy termination. Mr. Tyler then took a review of the finances and financial state of the country. On the
lst of January there would be a deficiency to provide for of 627,557 dollars. Of the loan of 62,000,000 dollars authorized by Congress, only 5,432,726 had been taken up. He recommended “moderate counsels” in revising the tariff; and laid down the principle, that “so long as the duties shall be laid with distinct reference to the wants of the treasury, no wellfounded objection can exist against them.” On the resumption question he did not speak very distinctly; but expressed an opinion, that it would be well “that every bank not possessing the means of resumption should follow the example of the late United States Bank of Pennsylvania, and go into liquidation, rather than by refusing to do so to continue embarrassments in the way of solvent institutions, thereby augmenting the difficulties incident to the present condition of things.” He adhered to his veto of the two “fiscal agent” bills of last session; but gave intimation of a plan of the kind with which the Secretary to the Treasury was prepared, “subordinate in all respects to the will of Congress directly, and to the will of the people indirectly;” separating the purse from the sword, and denying to the President all but very limited control over the officers by whom it was to be carried out. “It contemplates the establishment of a Board of Control at the seat of government, with agencies at prominent commercial points, or wherever else Congress shall direct, for the safe keeping and disbursement of the public monies; and a substitution, at the option of the public ereditor, of treasury notes in lieu of gold and silver, It proposes to limit the issue to an amount not to exceed 15,000,000 dollars, without the express sanction of the legislative power. It also authorizes the receipt of individual deposits of gold and silver to a limited amount, and the granting certificates of deposits divided into such sums as may be called for by the depositors. It proceeds a step further, and authorizes the purchase and sale of domestic bills and drafts, resting on a real and substantial basis, payable at sight, or having but a short time to run, and drawn on places not less than one hundred miles apart; which authority, except in so far as may be necessary for government purposes exclusively, is only to be exerted upon the express condition that its exercise shall not be prohibited by the State in which the agency is situated. In order to cover the expenses incident to the plan, it will be authorized to receive moderate premiums for certificates issued on deposits, and on bills bought and sold; and thus, as far as its dealings extend to furnish facilities to commercial intercourse at the lowest possible rates, and to subduct from the earnings of industry the least possible sum. It uses the State banks at a distance from the agencies, as auxiliaries, without imparting any power to trade in its name.” Mr. Tyler calls upon Congress to “relieve the chief executive magistrate, by any and all constitutional means, from a controlling power over the public treasury.” Alluding to the foreign debts of the separate states, an “indebtedness” amounting to 200,000,000 dollars, he hoped that the States would resort to every legitimate expedient before they forfeit a faithful compliance with their obligations. He proposed that Con
gress should regulate and restrain the power of the President to remove public officers; since that power acts as a stimulus to officeholders and office-hunters in the elections. At the same time that themessage was delivered, the correspondence between Lord Palmerston, Lord Aberdeen, and Mr. Stevenson, the late Minister for the United States in London, respecting the question of the Right of Search was laid before Congress. It is very voluminous, but interesting from the importance of the principles of international law discussed between these statesmen. The nature of the dispute will be best understood from Mr. Stevenson's own account of it. “The Government of Great Britain, with that of other nations, regarding the Africanslave-trade as a great evil, united in measures for its abolition. For that purpose laws were passed and treaties concluded, giving to the vessels of each of the contracting parties the mutual right of search, under certain limitations. Independent of these treaties, and under the principles of public law, this right of search could not be exercised. The United States were invited to become a party to these treaties : but, for reasons which they deemed satisfactory, and growing out of the peculiar character of their institutions and systems of government, they declined doing so. They deemed it inexpedient, under any modification or in any form, to yield the right of having their vessels searched or interfered with in time of peace upon the high Seas. “In the meantime some of the Powers who were parties to these treaties, and others who refused