of those who induced them to undergo the shameful toil, as described by the workpeople, were, that they do not catch cold, are more manageable, more intelligent at an early age, are content always to remain drawers without rising to be coal-getters, and work for lower wages; and Mr. Wright, the manager of Mr. Ramsay's mines, a highly intelligent and moral man, stated the disgusting reason, that women will work in bad roads where no man could be induced to draw. The advantage of excluding women was not a mere matter of speculation; Mr. Wright had had experience of that regulation in the mines under his care. He said "Four years ago, I superintended Mr. Ramsay's mines: females and young children were excluded. A vast change took place in the comfort and condition of the colliers who availed themselves of the new regulations. Some families left at the period, being desirous to avail themselves of the labour of their female children; many of whom have returned, and the colliers are much more regular than heretofore." This was confirmed by the evidence of Thomas Hynd, coal-hewer in Mr. Dundas's pits; who said "When Mr. Maston first issued the order, many men and families left: but many have returned, for they find, now the roads are improved, and the out-put not limited, they can earn as much money, and get homes: many of the females are gone to service, and prefer it." Mr. Wright continued "This will force the alteration of the economy of the mines; owners will be compelled to alter their system; they will ventilate better, and make better roads, and so change the system as to enable men who now - work only two days a-week to discover their own interest in regularly employing themselves." All this was confirmed by the statements of an honourable friend of his, Mr. Hulton of Hulton, who had been in the possession of pits for five-and-twenty years, and had never suffered females or children of tender years to enter them. The consequence was, that the population around those pits was in a state of greater comfort, and distinguished by a better morality, than the people of other collieries. Mr. Maxton of Armiston, and Mr. Hunter, the mining oversman, state, that " in consequence of a new ventilation, and an improved mode of railing roads, a man and two boys take nearly as much money as when the family were below; and many of the daughters of miners were at a respectable service." Mr. Maxton added, that before the regulations, colliers used to migrate in the proportion of one-fourth, but now not one-tenth do so. The next provision of the proposed Bill would exclude all boys under thirteen years of age. This, he was aware, was the greatest difficulty of his measure. The Factory Act prohibited the employment of boys under thirteen. for the full time of labour in the day-viz. twelve hours; and it was objected that there was a deficiency of juvenile labour, as the children were carried to printworks and collieries, to which the law did not extend. He would place the latter on the same footing with the factories, and he hoped the children would be drawn off in sufficient numbers to allow of two sets being employed by the manufacturers in the day. To allow the children to go down into the mines at all would be out of the question. They would be entirely under the control of the miners; and subterranean inspection would be impossible, as the life of the inspector would not be safe: few of the police would even venture to pursue fugitive offenders into the mines. One of the dangers of employing young children in the mines would appear from the following extract-"With all the precautions, explosions take place, and more than one hundred people have been killed at a time." And no wonder ; " for all the expedients devised to secure the safety of the mine may be counteracted by allowing one single trap-door to remain open and yet in all the coal-mines the care of these trapdoors is intrusted to children of from five to seven or eight, who for the most part sit, excepting at the moment when persons pass through these doors, for twelve hours consecutively, in solitude, silence, and darkness." The children are wholly at the mercy of the colliers; who over-work' them to make up for time lost in drinking, gambling, and cock-fighting. The next important provision in his Bill would be to prevent the employment of males under twentyone years of age as engineers. The employment of children in that capacity was a fertile cause of accidents. The accidents which occur, says the Sub-Commissioner in the mining district of South Staffordshire, are numerous, and to judge from the conversation which one constantly hears, one might consider the whole population as engaged in a campaign. The risk is constant and imminent. "It is a life," says a collier, "of great danger both for man and child: a collier is never safe after he is swung off to be let down the pit." In 1838, in fifty-five districts of registration 349 deaths occurred, of which 88 only were caused by explosion or suffocation, the rest through the unguarded state of the pit's mouth, the badness of the ropes, the mismanagement of the drawing-engine, and the accumulation of water in the mines. He wished particularly to draw the attention of the House to the fact, that the miners were drawn up and let down in baskets moved by the steam-engine at the pit's mouth. This engine was frequently left in charge of children of twelve, eleven, and even nine years of age. Let the House hear the result of such a practice. Mr. Wild, Chief Constable of Oldham, whose duty it is to collect evidence for the Coroner's inquests, said " It is a general system here to employ mere children to tend these engines, and to stop them at the proper moment; and if they be not stopped, the two or three or four or five persons, wound up together, are thrown over the beam down into the pit again. There have been people wound over at Oldham Edge, at Werneth, at Chamber Lane, at Robin Hill, at Oldbottom, and on Union Ground here, within the last six or seven years. Does not know a case in which children were not the engineers. Three or four boys were killed in this way at the Chamber Lane Colliery, by the momentary neglect of a little boy, who, he thinks, was only nine years of age; and who, he heard, had turned away from the engine when it was winding up, on his attention being attracted by a mouse on the hearth." The fourth and last principal provision was the abolition of apprenticeship. This proposition Lord Ashley supported by the evidence of the Commissioners, stating, that in some parts of the country, boys were bound wholesale from the union workhouses; that those who were driven by necessity into a workhouse were then compelled to work in the mines till the age of twenty-one, when their labour was worth 20s. or 255. per week, solely for the benefit of others; while, notwith standing this long apprenticeship, it appeared from the statements of persons well qualified to judge, that there was nothing whatever to learn in the coal-mine beyond a little dexterity, to be readily acquired by short practice. Another ill effect of the apprenticing system was, that the boys being paupers, and frequently orphans or friendless, the masters cared not to what dangers they exposed them, and treated them generally with the utmost brutality. Of this, Lord Ashley stated some painful instances that had occurred. In conclusion, he contrasted the state of the unhappy victims of this system with the preparations made for the health and comfort of the prisoners in the new Pentonville prison. He read a return of the Manchester police, on whose accuracy reliance could be placed, to show the demoralized condition of the people in the manufacturing districts; though there was no reason to believe that Manchester was worse than other large towns in this respect. Unless the Legislature were speedily to remove these seeds of evil, he could not but apprehend that they would result in a popular outbreak, which would destroy the body social of these realms. He concluded in the language of Scripture, saying, "Let us break off our sins by righteousness, and our iniquities by showing mercy to the poor." Mr. Fox Maule seconded the motion, warmly complimenting Lord Ashley for having preferred the unobtrusive task of benevolence to that more splendid and glittering path which ambition might have opened to him. Mr. Hedworth Lambton expressed his thanks for this, among the many proofs which Lord Ashley had given, of his anxiety to protect the interests of the labouring poor. He was gratified to find, that the counties of Durham and Northumberland were particularly free from those charges that had excited the indignation of the House. He thought that children were accustomed to begin work too early, but he conceived there must be some slight error or exaggeration in the Report: for out of forty-seven collieries, an authentic return showed that the youngest child was eight years old; and as to the unhealthiness of the employment, the young men appeared to him to be lively and cheerful at their work; and he had received a letter from the manager of an extensive mining concern, who stated that he could produce examples of pitmen healthy and active at ages varying from sixty to sixty-eight, and even to seventy; certainly, large numbers at sixty, and among them many who had been hewers for upwards of forty years. Lord Francis Egerton begged also to thank Lord Ashley sincerely for his exertions. In the district with which he was connected, he did not believe that the employment of females was incompatible with health; but, putting cruelty aside, it was a monstrous thing that the female sex should continue to be so employed. With respect to the age of children, a clergyman had stated to him, unwillingly but conscientiously, that he feared the peculiar bend in the back, and other physical capabilities requisite for the employment, could not be obtained if children were initiated at a later age than twelve. Sir James Graham expressed a general concurrence in the principle of the measure, reserving his opinion on some points of detail, but promising that Government would lend Lord Ashley every assistance in carrying on his measure. The same hearty concurrence was manifested in all quarters of the House; by Mr. Hume, Mr. Stuart Wortley, Mr. Turner, Mr. Ward, Mr. Protheroe, Mr. Brotherton, Mr. Pakington, and Sir R. H. Inglis, and leave was unanimously given to bring in the Bill. The Bill having been brought in, passed rapidly through its several stages, and underwent no material alteration in Committee. On the third reading being proposed, some discussion took place, and symptoms of hostility were manifested in certain quarters. Mr. Ainsworth said, it would throw thousands of children out of employ, and, in Scotland, widows and children would be driven to the Kirk sessions for relief. He insisted that the report of the Commissioners was highly coloured, and he read extracts from the evidence of medical gentlemen to show that, in the coal districts, the children were healthy and well clothed. Hitherto the colliers had not engaged in any political squabbles, but as a county magistrate he would not be answerable for the peace of the country if the Bill passed. Mr. C. Villiers said, the report was in many respects partial and inaccurate, and the Bill would deprive many children of a livelihood; and therefore he was glad that it would yet undergo discussion in another place. Mr. M. Attwood expressed similar opinions. Mr. Brotherton thought there could be no impropriety in legislating without delay to prevent the employment of children of no more than four, five, or six years of age, for twelve or fourteen hours a-day at the bottom of mines and collieries. Viscount Palmerston said, he hoped the measure would pass into a law, without any alteration that might affect its principle; and he was convinced it would pass, if it received the cordial and sincere support of the Government in the House of Lords. The Bill then passed amidst loud cheers. Before the measure came under discussion in the Upper House, it was announced by Lord Wharncliffe, that the Government had determined to be perfectly passive respecting it: the individual Members of the Government would of course take what part they thought proper in the progress of the Bill. The second reading was moved by the Earl of Devon. He entered into a general vindication of the measure; contending that, without any evidence at all, the House would be justified on the obvious principles of humanity at least to prevent the employment of women in the places described. Having quoted some parts of the Commissioners' Report, the Earl explained the alterations which it had been thought advisable to make in the Bill. The principal were, the postponement of the time at which the employment of females in the mines should cease until the 1st of March next, allowing nine months instead of six; the abandonment of the clause for regulating the hours during which children should be employed; and the restricting the term of apprenticeship in any mine or colliery to eight years instead of a total pro hibition; no boy to be apprenticed under ten years of age. OF THE Lord Hathertor concurred so entirely in the proposed alteration that he declined to proceed with a motion of which he had given, notice for a Select Committee to inquire into the probable effect of the Bill. The clause to compel the employment of boys on alternate days only would have prevented his acceding to the Bill. It was notorious at present, that when trade was bad the mines were not worked more than two or three days in a week; and when trade was good the wages of the colliers became high, and they would not work more than two or three days in the week; so that the employing the boys on alternate days would be attended with the greatest confusion, if it were not impossible. The Earl of Radnor objected to all legislative interference with the labour market. The Earl of Galloway supported the Bill, taunting the Government with lukewarmness, after Sir J. Graham's promise of support in the other House. The Duke of Welllington objected that the evidence of the Sub-Commissioners had not been taken on oath; but he desired to vote for a Bill to remedy the evils which appeared on the face of the report; and he should consider the details in committee: The Marquess of Londonderry contended at some length, that no faith could safely be placed in the statements of the report. He thought that if female labour were excluded from the mines, great numbers would be deprived of all means of subsistence; and that boys were as fit for the work required at eight years of age as at ten. He moved, that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. Lord Wharncliffe, though he should support the measure as it was now modified, could not but think that the House of Commons had passed the Bill in too hurried a manner, without taking due time for consideration, and allowing that inquiry which justice to all parties concerned in the subject required. He thought it had not been satisfactorily proved, that it was desirable to exclude, in all cases, grownup women from these employments. However, notwithstanding some objections of detail which he entertained, he should support the second reading; and he believed every Member of the Government would do the same. After a few words from the Duke of Buccleugh and the Earl of Mountcashel, the Bill was read a second time; the Amendment of Lord Londonderry, finding no one to second it, fell to the ground. Previously to going into Committee on the Bill, Lord Brougham, in a speech of considerable length, delivered a caution to the House against the evils of too much legislation: "Nothing, he thought, as a general principle, should be done by means of legislation to carry out of their usual channels, out of those channels into which they would naturally flow-capital and |