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entitled to a repeal of the Union. How could he be justified in listening to such demands, or what could be the practical result of hearing four or five speeches at the Bar on such topics? Were the speeches to be made at the Bar of the House to be replied to? Supposing that they failed in producing their effect, was the demand then to be, that he should enter into an inquiry with respect to every allegation which might be brought forward? should he admit that inquiry, or refuse it? The petition had been characterized as not representing the sentiments of those who signed it -as a document at variance with the judgments, with the good sense, of the three millions and a half of petitioners; and as a document which had been imposed upon them by a cowardly and malignant demagogue,' whom the honourable Member in question knew, and from his personal knowledge was entitled to speak of with disrespect. He knew not to whom the honourable Gentleman alluded he would take the description from the honourable Gentleman. And should he permit the author of the petition, the man described in such terms-the man who had so perverted to his own evil purposes the minds of the intelligent, the industrious, the labouring classes of England-should he admit that man to the Bar of the House?-and he, of course, would be the man who would come forward to defend the allegations of the petition-should not he be countenancing gross delusion if he permitted him, the author of the petition which put forth an hundred points, the acquiescence in each of which would be an evil to the interests of the

petitioners?

Was such a person one whom he could admit to the Bar of the House, to establish the rights of the labouring classes of England?

What was it, he asked, that gave to the law that influence over the people which Mr. Roebuck had described?—

It was a conviction on the part of the people that it was just. Did they believe that, if the people of England were in that condition in which the petition asserted they lived-did they believe that if the spirit of the country was justly decribed in that memorial, which stated that Your honourable House has enacted laws contrary to the expressed wishes of the people, and by unconstitutional means enforced obedience to them, thereby creating an unbearable despotism on the one hand, and degrading slavery on the other-if such (he said), was a just representation of the feelings of the people with respect to the law of England, would that people acknowledge that tacit influence of the law which gave to the decrepid constable the power which he now possessed? Did the House imagine, that the high-spirited people of England would have that respect for the law which they now exhibited, if they did not believe that the law was such as guaranteed the rights of property, and preserved the blessing of liberty-as a law for the poor man as well as for the rich?

The English people had been contrasted by a preceding speaker with those of foreign nations, as being superior in patience, in intelligence, and in spirit; but what had formed that character, if not those laws and institutions which were impeached by the present petition? And on the other hand,

how could he trust to that high character which was given of the petitioners, if they had agreed to such a petition as Mr. Roebuck had described? He agreed with Lord John Russell, that if the people had been deluded in this instance, they might be deluded again, when they had acquired that power which others might abuse. He believed Universal Suffrage to be incompatible with the maintenance of a mixed Monarchy, under which the people had obtained for 150 years as much practical liberty, and enjoyment of social happiness, as any form of human government could affordnot excepting that of the United States of America.

He concluded by expressing his sincere sympathy with the present sufferings of the people, but his firm resolution not to consent to those momentous changes in the

Constitution, which could yield no relief, but rather produce an aggravation of the evils complained of.

Mr. Muntz declared his intention of supporting the prayer of the petition.

Mr. Oswald opposed it as delusive.

Mr. Villiers spoke in favour of the motion, which went no further than a hearing of the case alleged in the petition by counsel at the Bar.

Mr. O'Connell explained that his vote would be given on the same side, on the ground of his being a decided advocate of Universal Suffrage; a doctrine which he had not heard successfully combated, either in this debate, or at any other time.

Mr. Duncombe replied.

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The House divided, and there appeared-ayes, 49; noes, 287: majority, 238.

CHAPTER VII.

Lord Ashley's bill for restraining the Employment of Women and Children in Mines and Collieries-Extracts from the Report of the Commissioners of Inquiry - Impression made by Lord Ashley's statement upon the House of Commons-Speeches of Mr. Fox Maule, Lord F. Egerton, Sir J. Graham, and other MembersLeave given to bring in the Bill nem. con.-. -Rapid progress of the measure in the House of Commons-It is passed with slight opposition-It is introduced in an altered form in the House of Lords. Debates on the Second Reading-Lord Wharncliffe states the intentions of the Government respecting it-Lord Londonderry moves, that it be read a second time that day six months, but the Motion is not seconded. Speech of Lord Brougham before going into Committee-Various amendments are proposed and negatived, and the Bill passed-Debates in the House of Commons on the Lords' Amendments-Charges against the Government made by Lord Palmerston and Mr. C. Buller-Sir R. Peel vindicates the Ministers-The Amendments agreed to-Bribery at Elections---Singular result of proceedings before Committees - General reports respecting compromises of petitions-Mr. Roebuck undertakes an inquiry He addresses questions to the Members for Reading, Nottingham, Harwich, Penryn and Lewes-Their answers -Mr. Roebuck states his charges and moves for a Select CommitteeMr. Fitzroy seconds the motion-Adjourned debate-Speeches of Mr. Wynn, Mr. Ward, Lord Palmerston, Sir R. Inglis, Sir R. Peel, Lord J. Russell, Lord Stanley, and others- Mr. Roebuck amends his motion, which is then carried without a division-Mr. T. Duncombe proposes a test for the Committee, which is rejectedNomination of the Committee-An Act of Indemnity for Witnesses passed-Presentation of the Report of the Committee-Particulars of compromises in the cases of Harwich, Nottingham, Lewes, Reading, Penryn, and Bridport-Mr. Roebuck moves Resolutions founded on the Report-Speeches of Mr. C. Russell, Major Beresford, Mr. Fitzroy, Captain Plumridge, and Lord Chelsea-The Solicitorgeneral moves the previous question-Sir R. Peel states reasons for opposing the resolutions, which are negatived on a division-The Chancellor of the Exchequer refuses Lord Chelsea's application for the Chiltern Hundreds-Lord Palmerston finds fault with the Government―The Chancellor of the Exchequer and Sir R. Peel vindicate the course adopted for frustrating the Compromises published by the Committee-Statement of Captain Plumridge-Suspension of the Writs for Nottingham, Ipswich, Southampton, and Newcastle-underVOL. LXXXIV.

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Lyne-They are finally issued-Bill for Disfranchisement of Sudbury carried in the House of Commons, but afterwards droppedBill of Lord J. Russell for the prevention of Bribery at Elections.

WH

THILE measures involving the conflict of party views and the excitement of party feelings were engrossing the attention of the Legislature and of the public mind, a subject of deep importance and painful interest was presented to the notice of the House of Commons, by a Member whose generous exertions on behalf of a suffering but neglected class of the community had, on former occasions, been attended with honour able success. The condition of children employed in Factories had been within a recent period the subject of a public investigation, the result of which was the discovery, that mis-management and mercenary cruelty had gradually built up a system which was distorting and crippling the rising generation of our most important districts. A law was passed to prevent the continuance of that evil. It was then alleged that the condition of children in other employments was even worse, and the benevolent exertions of Lord Ashley procured the appointment of Commissioners for Inquiry into the Employment of Children. They examined into the state of young persons in one branch of employment-mines and collieries; and the course of their inquiries brought to light more than the sufferings of children alone, for they found the case of the women in many places no less pitiable. The frequent juxtaposition of enormous wealth with the lowest degree of destitution and want has often been remarked as a characteristic feature of society in England; the Report of the Commissioners referred to exposed

in conjunction with the highest civilization in the world, whole sections of the people sunk in the lowest moral and intellectual barbarism. In the midst of the refinements of the nineteenth century, in the heart of a Christian and enlightened community, and with all the channels for the exposure of oppression and abuses which our political system affords, it appears hard to realize as truth the picture of children consigned by their parents almost from the cradle to perpetual labour, at an employment entailing on them premature adolescence, disease, and misery, and amid scenes which ensurea moral degradation even worse than the physical suffering which accompanies it. Still less, if possible, would the ear of modern refinement have been inclined to credit tales, now too well established, of women compelled to work like beasts of burthen in noisome caves where the sun never enters, surrounded by an atmo sphere of vice and pollution which can hardly be depicted with decency, and under circumstances of coarse and loathsome exposure to which savage life scarcely affords a parallel. The details of this frightful system will best appear from the selections which we shall presently furnish from the Commissioners' Report, and which Lord Ashley cited in his able introduction to his motion in the House of Commons on the 7th of June.

He began with complimenting the late Government on the readiness with which they had_appointed the Commission, and on their choice of Commissioners;

and then proceeded to prove the necessity of immediate legislation by reference to the Report before the House. First, he quoted the statements of the Report with respect to the ages of the children employed:-"In South Staffordshire, Shropshire, Warwickshire, Leicestershire, and Cumberland, children begin to work at seven years of age; about Halifax, Brad ford, and Leeds, at six; in Derbyshire and South Durham, at five or six; in Lancashire, at five, and near Oldham as early as four; and in some small collieries of the last neighbourhood, some children are brought to work in their bed gowns. Lord Ashley observed in passing, that had it only been the great coal-owners with whom they had to deal, the necessity for the Bill would not have existed. In North Durham and Northumber land, many children are employed at five or six, but not generally; that age is common in the East of Scotland; in the West of Scotland, eight; in South Wales, four is a very usual age; in South Gloucestershire, nine or younger; in North Somersetshire, six or seven. In the South of Ireland no children at all are employed, All the underground work, which in the coal-mines of England, Scot land, and Wales, is done by young children, appears in Ireland to be done by young persons between the ages of thirteen and eighteen." He next adverted to the em: ployment of females: - "The practice of employing females underground is universal in West Yorkshire and North Lancashire; it is common at Bradford and Leeds, in Lancashire, Cheshire, and South Wales: general in the East of Scotland, rare in the West; and no women are employed in

Staffordshire, Shropshire, Warwickshire, Leicestershire, Derbyshire, Cumberland, Durham, Northumberland, Gloucestershire, or Somersetshire. In none of the collieries in the coal-fields of Ireland was a single instance found of a female child or a female of any age being employed in any kind of work. I must observe," said Lord Ashley, "that with respect to that country, neither children of tender years nor females are employed in underground operations. I have often admired the generosity of the Irish people, and I must say that if this is to be taken as a specimen of their barbarism, I would not exchange it for all the refinement and polish of the most civilized nations of the globe."

The nature of the localities in which the labourers were employed, was the next point to which Lord Ashley directed the attention of the House: "The health depends much upon the ventilation and drainage of the places; and they differ according to the depth of the seams of coal, which vary from ten inches in some places to ten or twenty feet in others. In South Staffordshire, for instance, says Dr. Mitchell, the coal-beds are sufficiently thick to allow abundance of room; the mines are warm and dry, and there is a supply of fresh air. The case is pretty much the same in Northumberland, Cumberland, and South Durham, with some exceptions in the last place; and in North Durham there are some thin seams. The mines are damp, and the water in them is sometimes deep, in Warwickshire and Lancashire. In Derbyshire,

Black damp very much abounds; the ventilation in general is exceedingly imperfect." Hence fa

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