be put on board each of our vessels: in this case, if ever, the work would be well done; the gentlemanly feelings of the service in both navies would protect individual officers so situated from everything unpleasant, and all cause of collision would be avoided. Our flag would no longer be our shame. It is true, if France did not come into the arrangement, all the villainy of this traffic would sail under her colors, but France can have no long or great interest to encourage the slave trade, or reason to refuse consent to such a measure, if it should be found in our case to be effectual.

ART. VII. THE AMERICAN TRACT SOCIETY.

In an early number* of this journal, an Article may be found on "Responsibility in the Management of Benevolent Societies," which we refer to at this time, not for the purpose of making it a text for the present discussion, but to commend it to the reperusal of our readers. If we are not mistaken, it will be found that what was then theory has since been illustrated in practice, and that many of the difficulties, which now surround the American Tract Society, would not have been experienced, had the cautions of that Article been heeded.

Our present object is not so much to discuss the general principles, on which the great benevolent associations of our country and age should be conducted, or the general course and policy of the American Tract Society in particular, but that practical question of right and obligation, with regard to which the opinions of the friends of the society seem to be divided. "Ought the American Tract Society to publish on the duties and moral evils arising out of slavery" is the question which has been warmly discussed in newspapers and pamph lets, and which was brought before the meeting of the society, in May last, for decision. Each party claims to have been triumphant on that occasion, the one by the brute force of numbers bearing down all opposition, the other by compelling its opponents to develop their principles and exhibit their real inherent weakness, thus gaining a moral victory. It is of little consequence for us to enquire to whom the glory of success should be awarded, the question is not one of men, but of principle. If the truth has been established, all the friends of truth will rejoice; if anything has been done to weaken the foundations of principle, the friends of righteousness will rally

* New Englander, Vol. V, page 28.

around their standard, having Jesus Christ for their leader, assured that in the end the right will be sustained.

Let us then inquire what has really been decided by the Tract Society in regard to this question, and thus ascertain what principles are presented for our consideration at the present time. It will be unnecessary to go farther back than to the meeting of the society held in May, 1857. At that time the special committee of fifteen, to whom this subject, with some other questions, had been referred the year before, made their report, in which they recommended the adoption of several resolutions, as "marking out the line of discrimination. between what the American Tract Society, according to its constitution, may and may not publish." These resolutions were as follows:

Resolved, 1. That the American Tract Society was established for a definite purpose, namely, 'to diffuse a knowledge of the Lord Jesus Christ as the redeemer of sinners, and to promote the interests of vital godliness and sound morality, by the circulation of religious tracts, calculated to receive the approbation of all evangelical Christians.'

2. That this society cannot, therefore, with propriety, allow itself to be made a special organ of any one system of religious or moral reform, such as temperance, peace, anti-popery, anti-slavery, etc.; while within its proper sphere, its influence should sustain the cause of truth and righteousness in all their departments.

3. That in endeavoring to accomplish its high and holy mission, the society should deal even-handedly and bear impartial testimony against all forms of fundamental doctrinal error and practical immorality, prevailing in any and every part of our country.

4. That in the judgment of your committee, the political aspects of slavery lie entirely without the proper sphere of this society, and cannot be discussed in its publications; but that those moral duties which grow out of the existence of slavery, as well as those moral evils and vices which it is known to promote, and which are condemned in scripture and so much deplored by evangelical Christians, undoubtedly do fall within the province of this society, and can and ought to be discussed in a fraternal and Christian spirit.

5. That whatever considerations in the past may have seemed to recommend to the publishing committee the course pursued in its revision of certain works, yet in the future publication of books and tracts, no alteration or omission of the sentiments of any author should be made; but works not adapted to the design of the society in their original form, or by a regular impartial abridgment, should be wholly omitted.

6. [This proposes that the constitution shall be so altered that notice shall be given of all future amendments.]

7. That we gratefully acknowledge the favor of divine providence in the bless

ing which has rested upon the American Tract Society, in its onward progress of success and prosperity, and the beneficent influence it has exerted upon our country and the world.

8. That we cordially recognize the fidelity and devotedness, with which the interests of the society have been superintended and conducted by the officers and executive committee, five of the present members having been among its founders.

9. That with great confidence in the wisdom of the executive committee, we anticipate that their action, in carrying out the principles contained in the previous resolutions, will be such as will tend to promote the widest and best usefulness of this society throughout our whole country.

Of these resolutions, the 2d, 3d, 4th and 9th, and particularly the 4th and 9th, have reference to the subject in hand. All these resolutions were unanimously adopted by the society; a leading member of one party (as parties were divided in 1856) moving, and a leading member of the other party seconding the adoption of these resolutions, at once so calm, so moderate, so conservative, and so righteous, as to commend themselves to the conscientious Christian conviction and approval of the whole society. It was well understood that a volume on the duties of masters had been printed and placed in the hands of the special committee when they were framing their decision. A tract on the duties of slaves, entitled " Sambo and Tony," had been previously published and circulated. The year passed on, and no tract, on the corresponding duties of masters, made its appearance; even the little volume, which had been laid before the special committee, was not issued, but instead excuses and apologies, united with arguments against the constitutional power of publishing on such a subject, and appeals to the prejudices and fears of men, abounded. The funds of the society, contributed by the benevolent to publish and circulate "religious tracts, which should diffuse a knowledge of our Lord Jesus Christ as the redeemer of sinners, and promote the interests of vital godliness and sound morality," were used for the publication and circulation of documents, justifying the course pursued by the executive officers of the society, and partisan appeals unworthy of Christian men.

Under these circumstances the society met in the church in Lafayette Place, New York, in May last. At that meeting, better characterized as a mob than as a deliberative assembly, where those, who attempted with moderation and calmness to present

views opposed to the course pursued by the executive officers, were greeted with storms of hisses and cries of "question," and where a full and free discussion of the important issues involved was suppressed, four votes were taken. In the first place, the report of the executive committee, justifying and excusing the course pursued by them, was adopted by a majority vote. Secondly, a resolution to re-affirm the fourth resolution of last year was rejected. Thirdly, a resolution, instructing the committee "to publish a tract on the duties of masters, according to the New Testament," was laid on the table; and fourthly, a resolution that "nothing issued by the publishing committee should express or imply the Christian lawfulness of the system of American slavery," was laid on the table.

From this summary statement of facts, it is evident that the resolutions of last year remain unrepealed and unaffected by the action of the society at its last meeting; and this was the position assumed by those who support the action of the majority. Bishop McIlvaine, who moved the adoption of the report, did so, with the explicit statement that it was the inaction rather than the action of the committee which he approved, and with entire silence as to the reasons by which the report sought to justify this inaction; Dr. Bethune, the most earnest and violent advocate of the report, protested against the doctrine that to adopt the report was to rescind the action of last year.

The passage of the resolution adopting the report without qualification was bad enough, inasmuch as it justified the committee in disregarding the express instructions of the society, but it left the instructions still in force; it was bad enough, inasmuch as, notwithstanding what were claimed to be the peculiar circumstances of the case, its tendency is to furnish a precedent for the irresponsibility of the executive officers of the society, but it did not repeal the resolutions of instruction, or deny the right of the society to command its officers. It is evident that the majority went to that meeting determined to prevent discussion, and to bring the session to a close as speedily as possible, without much regard to the manner in which it should be done; thus introducing a new feature into the meetings of our evangelical societies, the disgrace of which will remain, whether the scene shall be repeated or not. The other votes passed