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OF THE GOVERNMENT.

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he, or his co-adjutors in the government may take under their especial guardianship and protection. Most excellent citizen, and true republican !--most wise and upright minister! It is in your school of ethics, that mankind should from henceforth receive their first rudiments-their early instructions, and consummate their knowledge of political science—it is from your ranks, indeed, that the turbulent, the sanguinary, and lawless dispensers of the "Lynch-law" code, should from henceforth be selected, for they too, acknowledge a "higher obligation to the communities in which they live;" and when the majesty of the laws, framed for the better regulation- the order and well-being of society are to be outraged and set at nought, deem it, upon their part, equally "patriotic to disregard them," seeking also their "justification in the character," and nature of the transactions with which they have to deal, and the "circumstances' by which no doubt they, in like manner, "consider themselves surrounded." The letter of Mr. Kendall is, to say the least, a miserable subterfuge-a wretched piece of casuistry and shuffling, discreditable to his patriotism and judgment, and highly disgraceful to the Government of which he formed a part-and of whose sentiments and opinions, in this instance, he was the faithful echo.

The question is often, and not inaptly asked, who, or what, is the Government of America--what its complexion-where its locality, and what its influence on society? The answer is obvious, and may

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WHO, OR WHAT IS THE

with truth be comprised in the assurance which represents the supreme power within these States as confided to the very populace the licentious and unrestrained mobocracy of the country-the democratic many, who (as in this instance) usurp its functions-restrain its entire action-frame laws according to their own peculiar and diseased fancy, and riot in the uncontrolled excesses of almost every abuse. Their preponderating numbers, amidst the general population, has given to this class of citizens an almost undisputed authority, which they generally exercise with an unreasonable and arbitrary control over the conduct and actions of the more moderate and reflecting portion of the community, who are seldom heard in the public voice, or represented in the public councils. To make war against this organization, is to make war against oneself to subject one's fire-side to every insult-to risk one's peace, and possibly to endanger one's life. Thus it is, that we find so few men in the United States really fitted from talent, honesty, or independent means, interfering in the unceasing struggles of party for political supremacy, or stepping aside from their daily business pursuits, to influence public opinion to any legitimate or useful end; but, on the contrary, avoiding all questions of political strife, even when their positive interests are concerned-choosing rather to adopt this course-to submit to its inconvenience, than become subject to the greater evil to be apprehended from such interposition. The Executive Government (as in the late instance of

GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES?

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the Charleston rioters) is the re-echo of the mere will of this (the democratic) party, and possesses but a nominal authority in the enforcement of any measure of public utility, or that might be deemed essential to the public safety and welfare.

The state of excitement which the proceedings at Charleston had occasioned, gave a fresh impulse to many of the nearly obsolete statutes that reflect upon southern legislation, which were now more rigidly enforced than ever-education, and whatever of instruction that could at all enlighten or improve the mind of the unfortunate negro, or raise him in the scale of human civilization, was, as it still is, prohibited under severe penalties. More than ordinary efforts were made to prevent all intercourse between the slaves, who were interdicted meeting in their churches, or usual places of worship on the sabbath, and holding communion with their God in common, or from receiving religious instruction on the only day, on which there was any cessation from their bondsman's labour. An appeal was also made to the Northern States, in which they were called upon to put down, id est, to exterminate the "sanguinary fanatics," who desecrated their soil, and were still resident among them, whose prayers, on the other hand, were "peace and good will to all men." They were also required, in language that amounted to little short of actual command, to cease all further discussion, either at public meetings, or through the press. Nay-it was even demanded of the governments of the Northern and

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STATE OF THE SLAVE QUESTION.

Eastern States, that the mere expression of opinion, on the justice or propriety of slave emancipation, within their separate jurisdictions, should be made punishable by clauses to be inserted in their criminal code; at the same time, that this unreasonable and extraordinary requirement was endeavoured to be exacted, under a threat, in the event of noncompliance, of a speedy dissolution of the Union, by the entire separation of the Southern or Slave-holding States from the confederacy; in some of which the grand juries found "true bills" of indictment against the leaders of the Abolition Society, on charges of treason; and even proceeded so far as to call upon the Governors of those States in which they resided, through the Federal Executive, to surrender and deliver them up to justice, as amenable to Article 4th, sec. 2nd, of the United States' Constitution.

Nevertheless, the cause of all this strife is a holy and a just one, and in despite of the alarm and frenzy of the south, and the virulent and sanguinary opposition with which it has to contend, in its hourly progress, has still made advances in the mind of every honest and reflecting man, and where exaggeration-habit-early prejudice, or the more persuasive influence of individual interests are not permitted to interfere-upon the public sympathy in general.

CHAPTER II.

The Slave removed beyond the protection of all law-Considered merely as chattels personal-Denied the safeguard of Jury trial-Penal laws of South Carolina and other Slave StatesGovernor M'Duffie-His annual message to the Legislature of South Carolina-Remarks of Thomas Jefferson on Slavery -Extent of Slave population of the United States-Average term of Slave life-Foreign contraband trade with the United States-Annual import of Slaves-Breeding and rearing Slaves for traffic-Charge against the Honourable Mr. Stevenson, late United States Minister in London, with his disclaimer-Virginia a Slave-breeding State-Kidnapping and sale of free coloured Citizens-Slave Trade of America, menacing its future integrity-The practicability of its immediate abolition considered-The difficulties with which it is beset-Recklessness of Slave proprietary as to consequences-Wealth and Resources of the North and South relatively consideredMeans suggested for the entire suppression of Slavery within the United States.

THE transgressions of the United States against human liberty are so numerous, that we should extend the detail to an unusual amplitude, were we to assume the task of placing before the reader, the numerous records with which its history abounds. The laws against the persecuted Negro, are of the most sanguinary and penal kind, with but little of sympathy or kindliness in his general treatment, to reconcile him to their observance, or to ensure on

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