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ABROGATION OF THE RIGHT

of the country; perfectly heedless of every political and moral consequence to the nation, its character and seeming, and by the most reprehensible and unconstitutional efforts, in resisting its peaceable and deliberate consideration, to effect their purpose, even at the sacrifice of the most valued privileges of the citizen-the right conceded to the people to petition Congress for the redress of any assumed or positive grievance.* To this end, and in order to preclude all opportunity of remonstrance, the Legislative Chambers passed a resolution to effect, interdicting all appeals by memorial, or otherwise, from any class, or number of citizens, touching slavery, or the slave trade of the United States; and thus, virtually, abrogated of their mere will, one of the most important immunities assured to the people, under the constitution of the country. Nay, so very determined were the representatives of the southern states, to carry out their purpose, so opposed to every, or any change or modification of the laws affecting slavery within the republic, that they resolved with one accord, to withdraw themselves from Congress, with a threat of an ultimate severance of the Union, if opposed in their determined resolve, to prevent all future legislation on this subject, within the walls of Congress.

* Article I. of the Amendments to the Constitution distinctly declares, "that Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances."

OF PETITION AS TO SLAVERY.

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The scenes that were enacted within the House of Representatives on this memorable occasion, (December 1837,) though characteristic, were highly discreditable to the nation, as well as disgraceful to the individual parties concerned in them. The presentation of a petition by Mr. Slade, representative for Vermont, praying for the abolition of the slave trade and slavery in the District of Columbia, on which opportunity the honourable member moved, that it should be submitted to a select committee, to consider and report upon it to the House, was the immediate cause of calling forth this decided expression of the representative body, in the subsequent resolutions that emanated from them. The character of Mr. Slade-his high unimpeachable honour, was an ample guarantee of the sincerity of his motives in bringing forward this question, and originating a discussion, that conveys in its simple detail, some proper estimate of the fierce elements of strife and national discord, which are interwoven with the question of internal slavery throughout every part of the United States. There were prejudices, it is true, opposed to its consideration, which with others, though equally sincere, were first to be overcome-the interested opposition of the many to be met with at the outset, and on the part of those, who were ready to sacrifice every assumed or prospective good to their country, than yield assent to any measure of commendable policy, that might possibly encroach upon the individual, or assumed rights of the southern slave-dealer. But Mr. Slade felt, that he had embarked in a sacred and

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DISGRACEFUL EXHIBITION IN

just cause, that should not yield to any of the expedients, by which other and temporary advantages are sometimes to be secured. The entire subject of slavery, as he proceeded, was bared before the House-its iniquity forcibly depicted in the eloquent and powerful language of the speaker, who referred to the Bible and writings of the Apostles, to prove its unrighteousness and sin. "A firebrand," to use the descriptive language of an eye-witness, was thus cast into the House at the very outset. Mr. Legare of South Carolina, (a slave state,) implored Mr. Slade to withhold his remarks for one night at least, that he might have an opportunity to reflect on the consequence of his ill-timed proceedings, but to no purpose. Mr. Dawson of Georgia, (another slave state) begged him to desist as a man, and a lover of his country; but all was of no avail. Mr. Slade, who was calm and collected, refused to yield, and continued his remarks, adding at each sentence additional food for excitement. Mr. Wise of Virginia now interposed. He also was unsuccessful— Mr. Slade was firm; he had a duty to discharge, he said, to his God-his country, and constituents, and while life or breath lasted, he would not yield. At length Mr. Wise rose, calm and dispassionate; and yet his wild and piercing eye, and pallid countenance, indicated a fury of passion. He said, as the gentleman from Vermont would not forego his designs, and as the House had no remedy, he had to propose, that the several Representatives from Virginia, should withdraw themselves from Congress. Agreed-agreed, responded fifty voices, and the

THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

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delegation from Virginia quitted their seats. The delegation from Georgia, and other slave states, followed this example. And Mr. Cambell of South Carolina rose, and invited the whole southern delegation, to meet in the room of the Committee of Claims-" to adopt such steps, as the exigencies of the case might demand, and to consider the propriety of dissolving the Union."

Thus, on the 20th of December, 1837, all was confusion, excitement, and alarm at Washington. On the following night, the southern members were in secret session until past twelve o'clock, and after a consultation of some hours, it was agreed, that the principles of a report introduced two sessions before, by Mr. Pinckney, should be agreed upon, as the "terms of their return to Congress." Next morning, in consequence, the following resolution was presented by Mr. Patton of Virginia, and adopted.

"Resolved.—That all petitions and resolutions, praying for the abolition of slavery within the district of Colombia, and memorials or resolutions in relation to slavery in the different states, should be laid upon the table, without reading-without reference-without printing-and without discussion." After a short debate this resolution was carried by a vote of 135 to 60!

Thus were the south for the while conciliatedtheir apprehensions reconciled, and to all appearance, the subject of slavery set at rest within the walls of the Capitol; while the slave-the unfortunate helot, cast at their mercy-removed from his kindred and home, the mere creature of their will-compelled to purchase life, at the sacrifice of all that can make

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DISGRACEFUL EXHIBITION IN

life endurable, as well by the sweat and toil of his daily efforts, was thus cut off from every anticipation, or remote chance of exciting the least measure of legislative interference in his behalf, and could only rest his hopes of any future amelioration in his condition, on the strength and vigour of his own right arm, or on the sympathies-the humane and benevolent exertions of the moral and upright of other nations, to whom he could alone turn, with any expectation of removing even at a distant day, the chains that have so long continued to secure his worn and emaciated frame, or the proscription, that has so long and unjustly pursued him and his

race.

A motion to rescind this resolution was, nevertheless, every now and again brought before the Representative Chamber, on petition, or on some other pretext, until the month of January, 1840, when this august body determined to amend its rules and orders, and in such a way, as to effectually exclude all petitions of the kind whatsoever, in relation to slavery within the United States-the territories of the Republic, or in the District of Columbia, and that none should be received, or in any wise acted upon. All discussion, or other action of the House in relation to slavery, was thereby declared at an end, and for ever, until the rules and orders of Congress might become changed. The presentation of all petitions, with reference to this subject, was from thenceforth strictly prohibited. Alas! what a degrading and humiliating spectacle was this-what a melancholy instance of

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