1796] GENERAL PRESCOTT. 439 CHAPTER I. The retirement of Dorchester as governor-general, almost simultaneously with that of Simcoe from the upper province, establishes the starting point in the history of Canada whence the narrative of the civil government of the two provinces can be separately written. The control of military affairs alone was concentrated in the general commanding-in-chief, and it was by his orders only that the movement and quartering of the troops in both provinces were decided. The legislative proceedings in connection with the political events of the two provinces were distinct and, generally speaking, had little or no relationship. The provinces indeed constituted in their municipal existence two separate governments, and hereafter must so be considered. In Lower Canada, General Prescott, in addition to his civil appointment, was in command of the forces. He continued as lieutenant-governor until the 27th of April, 1797, when he received his appointment as governor-general. In the first year of his authority he could exercise military control in Newfoundland, but in May, 1798, a new commission was issued, in which, owing to the distance of that colony from Canada, the command was removed from his supervision. A new commission in accordance with this provision was issued.*. Prescott only remained in Canada until June, 1799, but retained possession of his rank, as governor, until 1807. The trial and conviction of David McLane took place during his government. † If he is to be judged by the evidence given at his trial, the man appears to have been of * [Can. Arch., Q. 80, p. 1.] In official documents he is called both McLean and McLane; as he has generally been mentioned in Canadian history as McLane, I do not feel warranted in changing the orthography. unsound mind. With this supposition, it might be said that his sentence would have been more just had he been confined for life in an asylum as a criminal lunatic. There are, however, many circumstances to be considered, to interfere with the acceptance of this view. The plain truth is that it was held necessary that an example should be made to stay the agitation and discontent which were becoming mischievous. No one can pretend to affirm that McLane was innocent and not engaged in attempts to disturb the public tranquillity, for his design was professedly the destruction of British power in Canada and to affirm the rule of France. He claimed to be a United States citizen, and to have carried on business at Rhode island, in which he had been unfortunate. His depressed circumstances may possibly explain the part he accepted, that of agent in the interest of France to foment rebellion. Never was a more striking example that "fools rush in where angels fear to tread." He entered Canada alone, and the men of whom he sought co-operation in his dangerous enterprises were in humble life and without the least influence. He was himself destitute of appliances to commit injury. As we read the evidence on which he was convicted, the first thought suggests that it is impossible to conceive the existence of any such dangerous plot. The facts, however, shew that much mischief was intended, and that there was a widespread organization, having its origin with the French minister at Philadelphia, to act aggressively, in order to create dissatisfaction and tumult. When sufficient numbers had become compromised, there was assurance of active support in the province, an invading force would have entered Canada. The evidence suggests that it would have been to a great extent composed of men from Vermont, well equipped with artillery, arms and ammunition. The project found no countenance with the United States government. The contrary view indeed prevailed, for no event was held more undesirable than the re-possession of Canada by France. It had, however, gained favour in Vermont, from a sense of the necessity of obtaining 1796] ADET, THE FRENCH MINISTER. 441 an outlet from lake Champlain to the Saint Lawrence. The theory suggests itself, that despairing of obtaining concessions in this direction from Great Britain, those advocating the movement had conceived the possibility of attaining their ends by this violent proceeding and had accepted it as an alternative. An opportunity was given to a display of turbulence, by the opposition entertained against the road act of the previous session. Riots had occurred in Montreal, and some of the participants in it had been arrested. On the occasion of an execution levied for the collection of a fine imposed on one Berthelot, the officer was so seriously beaten that his life was endangered. In the attempted arrest of one Latour, the execution of the warrant was resisted by armed men. It was well known that French emissaries had been sent among the people by Adet, the French minister who represented the revolutionary government. He had succeeded Fauchet, and was as mischievous as his two predecessors. His theory was that it was a necessity for France to possess territory in North America. Fauchet would have been satisfied with New Orleans. Adet had turned his thoughts to Canada as an indispensable appendage to the republic; and, as he had formed. the view that it was necessary to gain possession of it, his intrigues were directed to the accomplishment of this design. He had originally served in the artillery, but had abandoned the army to study chemistry. This pursuit he had left, to be drawn within the vortex of political life. He had attracted sufficient attention to be sent to the United States as minister when he was about thirty-three. One of the incidents of his revolutionary effort was the circulation of a pamphlet, signed by himself, bearing the arms of the French republic and addressed to the French Canadians. He narrated how France had conquered Spain, Austria and Italy. She now designed to subdue Great Britain, beginning with her colonies. He thought it his duty, in the first instance, to direct the attention of the French government to the Canadians, to relieve them from the slavery under which they groaned. He was then taking steps to effect his purpose. He dwelt upon the great advantages offered by a republic over such a form of government as that of British rule, and he concluded with the declaration that in a short time one cry only would be heard from Canada to Paris, “Vive la république." Anticipating that the republic would raise troops in Canada, commissions would be sent for those willing to serve France. This movement, owing to the discontent it created, was regarded as being of so mischievous a character that a proclamation was issued against sedition, and orders were given for the troops to be called out, when necessary to sustain the civil power. This determined attitude of the government suppressed the agitation, and in a short time it was reported to have ceased in Montreal; but, as Prescott wrote, more from the apprehension of order being enforced than from any change of feeling. The condition of unrest arising from Adet's movements was no fanciful theory, and Liston, the British minister at Philadelphia, wrote at length regarding his designs. They were the more extraordinary, that they not only found no favour with the authorities, but were in direct opposition to the views of the government and of the ablest men in political life. In November, Liston wrote confidentially to Prescott that, owing to the neutrality which had been declared by the United States, Adet had become impressed with the desirability of regaining Canada for France, and that his agents had been sent into the province, organizing measures to effect the result. One of this class had lately returned and had boasted of his success. The invariable accompaniment of these intrigues was the report that a French fleet was off the coast. It was now said that it had visited Newfoundland and had taken Saint John's, and was on its way to the Saint Lawrence. The Canadian Government was informed that active agents had established themselves on the frontier at lake Champlain, and from time to time were visiting Canada, as was held expe |