1791]

THE ACT CARRIED.

323

He

Mr. Burke referred at some length to his own personal position as it was affected by the preceding debate. opposed an elective council as democratic.

Mr. Fox replied in the tone of personal explanation.

Mr. Burke again spoke in personal explanation. Some. remarks were made by Mr. Wilberforce and Mr. Fox, when the clause passed.

On May 12th, Mr. Pitt proposed that the members in the Upper Canada legislature should be sixteen. Mr. Fox thought the number insufficient to form a popular assembly.

Mr. Pitt justified the clause, on the ground that there were not 10,000 inhabitants in the province, men, women and children.

Mr. Pitt introduced the clause to set apart lands, to the extent of the seventh part, for the support of the protestant clergy.

Mr. Fox objected especially to sending out a bishop of the church of England to sit in the legislative council.

On the report being brought up, Mr. Fox opposed the appointment of hereditary legislators. The clause was confirmed by eighty-eight to thirty-nine.

He likewise considered thirty members as insufficient for the house of Lower Canada. Mr. Pitt moved to insert fifty. On Mr. Fox proposing 100, the house divided, the vote being forty for and ninety-one against. Mr. Pitt's proposition was

then carried.

The bill became law on the 14th of March, 1791.

CHAPTER IV.

It is not possible to pass unnoticed the political record of the United States in the years succeeding the peace. The country was agitated by extreme disquiet and uncertainty, for a time foreboding the most evil consequences, and the efforts which successfully established a form of government on a firm basis present a bright page of history, as the triumph of patriotism and wisdom over faction and intrigue. What is of equal weight, this happy result may be adduced as an example of the inherent strength of liberal institutions, when directed with judgment and honest deliberation, and removed beyond the influence of all engrossing personal ambition. The political traditions of the old provinces had been derived from the constitutional government of Great Britain. It is no slight vindication of the charge of tyranny and wrong-doing hurled against the mother country, and repeated by writers uninformed of the facts, or reckless in advancing the distorted statements upon which they rely, that it was from the British constitution the principles were taken on which the new government was grounded.

The last years of the war found the revolted provinces in extreme monetary distress. Only limited contributions of money could be obtained from the several states, and the whole of the ways and means to carry on the contest became dependent on foreign loans. So long as the continental paper possessed even its approximate value, congress retained its influence. It had sustained the army, it is true often imperfectly, and had even given help to those states which, in their difficulty, had applied for it. With the depreciation of the paper money, it rapidly lost the respect of the community. Under the amended act of confederation the legislative sessions were declared to be annual, to commence

1782]

DISCONTENT, U.S. ARMY.

325

on the first Monday in November; the delegates to be annually elected and liable to be recalled at any period. On all points of importance the assent of nine states was imperative; previously a majority had governed. No state was permitted to vote unless represented by at least two delegates. Full authority was given to congress on all questions of peace and war and foreign intercourse; but no means were available for any of the expenses of government except by loans and paper issues. In an emergency, authority was given to make requisitions on the several states; but as there was no power to enforce the slightest demand, such applications remained without effect.

On the ratification of the articles of confederation, a proposition was made to employ the army to collect the stateassessments when payment of them was avoided. As might be supposed, it was rejected, for such a policy would have been the first step to civil war. An executive government was organized; the boards of direction which had hitherto exercised control, owing to the complication of their proceedings, were replaced by ministers. Livingston became minister of foreign affairs; Lincoln of the department of war; Morris of finance, and the control of the small navy was also subsequently given to him.

The army was in a deplorable condition; the men unpaid, the allowances of clothing and rations undelivered. Indeed, the greatest difficulty was experienced in finding means for the daily subsistence of the troops. The officers, in most cases without private incomes, were generally greatly in debt; several were subjected, not simply to privation, but to distress. In December, 1782, a committee of officers had personally waited upon congress to set forth their own grievances and the complaints of the army in general, and to ask payment of what was due.

In March, 1783, the troops still remaining dissatisfied, and peace being now a matter of certainty, a meeting was proposed of the general and field officers, one officer from a company being invited to be present. At the same time an

unsigned address was issued to the troops to lead them to a common course of action. It has since become known that its main points were determined at a meeting of officers, and that a captain Armstrong, a man of ability and a practised writer, was asked to put them in form. Washington, in general orders, declared the meeting to be subversive of discipline, and himself appointed a day when the report of officers sent to congress should be heard. In the meantime, he used his influence individually with all whom he knew, to lead them to think with some sobriety on their position.

The meeting was held; Gates was called to the chair, it is asserted to prevent him taking part in the proceedings. Washington shortly afterwards entered. He appealed to the patriotism of those present, and entreated them to rely on the justice of congress. He attributed the addresses which had been written to the work of a British emissary: a suggestion he must have known to be contrary to truth, and thus appealed to the unfriendly feeling towards Great Britain as a counterpoise to the resentment felt at the neglect experienced from their own government. Unfortunately a practice of too frequent occurrence to this day with a class of public men, which forms so unpleasing a feature in the political life of the republic. Washington succeeded in quieting the angry feeling, and a committee was named. Knox, a firm supporter and personal friend of Washington, was appointed chairman, and resolutions were carried of confidence in the justice of congress, and abhorrence of the propositions of the address.

On the declaration of peace, congress made an effort to be authorised to impose import duties, and the several states were assessed for contributions to the public expenses. In order to reduce the cost of the army, authority was given to commanding officers to grant limited furloughs, and in cases to give discharge with a gratuity of three months' pay. But the money was not forthcoming. In the height of their discontent a party of troops marched from Leicester to Philadelphia, where they were joined by the troops in

1782]

SHAY'S REBELLION.

327

garrison. Thus increased in numbers, they proceeded to the doors of the state house, and tumultuously demanded their pay. They were appeased by being called upon to appoint a committee to state their grievances. Washington hearing of the riot sent a force of 1,500 men to Philadelphia, and the revolt was subdued. Arrests were made, many known to have been prominent in the tumult were tried and sentenced; but all were pardoned, for congress had not the moral strength or the physical force to inflict punishment. It contented itself, by shewing its feeling of indignation by removing its sittings to Trenton.

Eventually the half-pay promised to the troops was commuted to a gross sum of five years' full-pay, for which certificates bearing six per cent. interest were issued. The measure did not pass without the strongest expressions of dissent and condemnation from Massachusetts, and generally from New England. The feeling was most vehement with those who had been the most pronounced in demanding separation from the mother country. Now the object they had advocated was obtained, the troops who had borne the full weight of the contest might retire unrewarded and unrequited, to live or die, as chance might determine.

What is known as Shay's rebellion took place in 1786. It was an event without any direct consequence, but is significant from the disclosures it makes of the gloomy condition of the country. The general court of Massachusetts had voted the imposition of customs and excise, to obtain revenue and to meet the interest due by the state. The. farmers in large numbers had fallen behind in their payments, and many were seriously embarrassed with debt. The consequence of this depression was that county conventions assembled to complain of the grievances felt, and in some places armed mobs had surrounded the court houses to prevent the sessions being held. There was everywhere great poverty; no market for the produce of the farmer; and all domestic manufactures were in a languid condition. Men suffering from poverty do not generally bring to the