The proposed grant of the estates to Amherst became well. known in Canada, and created wide dissatisfaction. In November, 1787, a petition was presented to lord Dorchester, enclosing a memorial setting forth the claims entertained by the people of Canada to the property for the purposes of 1. Fief and seigniory of Notre Dame des Anges, commonly called Charlesbourg, near Quebec, 1 league in front, 4 leagues in depth. 66 46 2. 66 3. 4. 46 66 5. Saint Gabriel, known as Old and New Lorette, Belair, commonly called Bonhomme mountain, 6. A farm called La Vacherie, near the côte Saint Geneviève, at Quebec, of 73 arpents. 7. A tract of land in the seigniory of Lauzon, of 29 arpents, opposite the river Cap Rouge. 8. Several plots of land in the seigniory of Lauzon, on the south shore of the Saint Lawrence. 9. A plot of land at Tadousac. 10. Several plots of land in Quebec, some obtained by purchase, some by II. The Seigniory of Batiscan, 2 leagues broad and 20 deep. 12. 66 66 13. Cap de la Madeleine, in the river Saint Lawrence, 2 leagues broad by 20 deep. Laprairie de la Madelaine, on the Saint Lawrence, below Montreal, 2 leagues broad, 4 leagues deep. Saint Louis, on the south bank of the Saint Lawrence, adjoining the seigniory of Laprairie, 2 leagues square. Granted to the jesuits, 29th of May, 1680. This property was subsequently transferred to the Caughnawaga Indians, in whose possession it remains to-day. The approximate total extent of landed property held by the jesuits at the time of their suppression may be thus given : 1790] THE WESTERN TRIBES. 289 education. These documents were signed by 195 persons, and were forwarded by Dorchester to Sydney. It was there claimed that the Canadians should be placed in possession of the estates, in order that they could obtain the education for which the several donors had made provision by their munificence, that it was the citizens and inhabitants of Canada that constituted the possessors, who formed the true corporation for whose interests the jesuits, although nominally holding the property, were only administrators. The principle was clearly set forth that the estates in no way belonged, in independent possession, to the jesuits as an order, but had simply been placed under their control as directors, to devote the proceeds to the purposes of education. The mémoire asked that an assembly should be called, to consist of the heads of families and land-owners, by whom a proper number of managers should be elected, to expend the revenue in the manner desired. The subject frequently came before the legislature, at different periods. Finally, in 1831, the estates were placed under the control of the assembly. I will relate these proceedings at the dates when allusion to them is called for. The great dissatisfaction felt by the tribes whose villages. were to the west and south-west of lake Erie, that their interests were unprovided for in the treaty, had in no way subsided. They had not been even mentioned in its provisions in any form, and there was no record to shew that their condition had, in the slightest degree, been considered. The inference was forced upon them that the country they inhabited had been abandoned to the United States; and their entire hunting grounds extending to the Mississippi, unconditionally recognised as within the frontier of the republic, to be taken in possession as might be expedient. The incompetent British negotiators no doubt held that the consideration of the Indian tribes was a question of slight importance, if ever they gave consideration to it at all; in no way remembering what on this point was called for by the honour of their country, the enforcement of justice to the Indian tribes T who had fought on their side. The negotiators on the part of the United States were certainly not called upon to consider the obligations of British statesmen. If the spirit of justice and right had prevailed, it is clear that a clause should have been introduced to the effect that in determining the limits of Canada it was to be understood that the boundary, as described, did not sacrifice the rights of the Indian tribes south of the line to the Ohio and west to the Mississippi. It does not redound to the good fame of Great Britain that this plain duty was neglected. Indeed, the omission of all mention in the treaty of the Indian tribes of the west, hitherto under British protection, can be regarded in no other light than as a national act of wrong. There was no fear on the part of the tribes that if they made their future homes in Canada they would receive bad treatment. On the contrary, they felt that if driven from their territory places of refuge would be provided for them. But they had determined that they would not abandon their homes and villages; on the contrary, that they would vigorously defend their possessions. They saw every indication that settlers were entering their territory to take possession of their lands without right and offering no compensation. In the emergency, they applied to the British agents domiciled among them for counsel and aid. Dorchester, unable to promise them active support, gave careful instruction that no engagement should be made which could not be righteously fulfilled. At the same time he ordered that, when circumstances so dictated, such of them as were in need and destitute should be clothed and fed. The years succeeding the peace were thus marked by dread of an Indian war with the United States. A feeling of great bitterness was entertained on the part of the Indians, and it became so intensified that they proposed to proceed to Quebec, that they might learn what assistance would be granted to them in any attempt to sustain their rights. Dorchester wrote to Sir John Johnson that, without causing them offence, they should be prevented making the journey; and 1786] INDIAN COUNCIL. 291 that they must be given to understand that no power was possessed in Canada to begin war, that such a war would involve half the world in bloodshed. But they might rest assured that the king would do his best to secure them a solid peace.* No one could have more ably or more pertinaciously laboured than Dorchester to mollify their angry feelings and to prevent active measures of hostility being taken. Nevertheless, many United States writers attribute to British intrigue the unsettled condition of the west, forgetting that for their own aggrandizement settlers, in opposition to Indian feeling, were taking possession of the lands. Every consideration pointed to the opposite policy on the part of the Canadian authorities. There were but few troops in the country, and the militia act was unpopular; there was likewise the strongest desire to reduce the expense of the Indian posts. What really caused the difficulty was the determination to enter into possession of the land north of the Ohio without giving any equivalent, and the resolution of the Kentucky settlers to attain the end by force. An armed force made an inroad into the Shawnee country, north of the Ohio, burned villages, destroyed crops, killed the males who resisted, and carried off as prisoners the women and children. The attacking force was principally composed of volunteers from Kentucky, under Logan. The Indians had resolved to hold a congress to consider the policy they would follow; but the proposed place of meeting was laid in ashes, consequently they selected another locality where they could assemble, near the mouth of the Detroit river. A council was held on the 28th of November, and also on the 28th of December, 1786; at the first meeting it was resolved to send proposals for peace, and that a meeting should be held in spring to determine the boundaries of their possessions. They asked in the meantime that surveyors should not cross the Ohio. Thus, if fresh ruptures occurred * [Can. Arch., Q. 27.1, p. 86, 27th of November, 1786.] they would be able to exculpate themselves. At the second meeting, McKee, the Indian agent, appeared on the part of the government. His presence led the Indians to complain that they had not been mentioned in the treaty of peace. After hearing the course they had taken, McKee told them that they had to meet the situation in which they were placed with firmness and calmness. Upon this, they desired to be informed what assistance would be given them in the event of a reasonable peace not being attainable. In spite of this opposition on the part of the tribes, settlement on the Ohio territory continued to be encouraged by the United States authorities. The desire was to establish a population round the lakes and westward to the Mississippi. In 1788, St. Clair was appointed governor of the territory. St. Clair had been in command at Ticonderoga in 1777, and had evacuated the fort on Burgoyne's attack in July. There appears to have been on his part a genuine desire to maintain peace; but aggression took place on both sides, and constant hostilities were committed on the new settlers. St. Clair strongly remonstrated against these violent acts, and threatened reprisals. The chiefs declared that they likewise desired peace, but they could not control their young men, who were indignant that their land should be taken possession of in their despite. The emigration to St. Clair's government was in excess of all calculation. Armed parties from New England, regularly officered, proceeded to the western lakes to take possession of the land independently of congress. Indeed, congress at this date was entirely without power to exercise authority in the western territory. As it was felt that the navigation of the Mississippi was indispensable to admit the passage of their products to the ocean and to obtain what was required from the seaboard, the new settlers were prepared to force the passage of the river in defiance of the Spaniards and without regard to congress. Those who came from Kentucky acted with extreme independence, for the determination had been formed of separating from Virginia. In November, 1788, fifty |